A importância geopolítica da Amazônia para o Brasil há muito é destacada pelos militares, governantes, diplomatas e academia. A região amazônica ocupa cerca de 60% de território nacional e não pode ser esquecida ou subjugada na formulação de políticas públicas para defesa e desenvolvimento do país ou na composição das estratégias de inserção internacional do Brasil. Esse trabalho busca, a partir de uma postura multidisciplinar marcada pela conversa entre a Geografia e as Relações Internacionais, tentar explicar os motivos pelos quais a Amazônia hoje se coloca como uma prioridade para as políticas de defesa nacional e de que forma os governantes as articulam para que possam surtir efeito num cenário internacional que vislumbra ameaças difusas e multidimensionais. O papel do Calha Norte, do Sistema de Proteção da Amazônia (SIPAM) são analisados de forma a entender de que maneira as políticas internas de proteção e vigilância da Amazônia brasileira trabalham com os novos arranjos de segurança que se impõem na região. / The geopolitical importance of the Amazon to Brazil has long been highlighted by the military, politicians, diplomats and academics. The Amazon region covers about 60% of the national territory and cant be forgotten or subdued in the formulation of public policies for protection and development of the country or in the composition of the strategies of international insertion of Brazil. This paper seeks, from a multidisciplinary approach marked by the links between Geography and International Relations, try to explain the reasons why the Amazon stands as a priority for the national defense politics nowadays. Another important topic addressed in this paper is how the policy makers articulate these politics in a way they can be effective in a world scenario marked by diffuse and multidimensional threats. The role of Calha Norte Program and the Amazon Protection System (SIPAM) are analyzed in order to understand how the internal policies of protection and surveillance of the Brazilian Amazon work with the new security arrangements presents in the region.

[pt] Tendo como referenciais teóricos o instrumental do campo de resolução de conflito e a discussão feita por Michel Foucault em Vigiar e Punir, esta dissertação tem por objetivo verificar a relação entre o programa de Desarmamento, Desmobilização e Reintegração (DDR) desenvolvido pela ONU e a percepção das ex-crianças soldado acerca do processo de transição à vida civil no pós-conflito armado. Estima-se que, atualmente, há cerca de 300 mil crianças soldado em todo o mundo. Diante deste cenário, um dos principais desafios é reverter os efeitos da participação em conflitos armados e, conseqüentemente, restabelecer o futuro destes jovens. O programa de DDR direcionado às crianças soldado aparece como a principal ferramenta para lidar com as necessidades destes jovens e garantir o retorno deles à vida civil no pós-conflito armado. Assegurar o rompimento destes meninos e meninas com a vida militar é um dos passos fundamentais do processo de peace-building, uma vez que estamos lidando com um grupo que funciona como um motor indispensável das novas guerras. Argumenta-se que o programa de DDR é uma ferramenta em potencial, i.e., apresenta recursos capazes de contribuir para transição bem-sucedida de exmeninos e meninas soldado à vida civil. No entanto, a adoção de um padrão de infância pelas Nações Unidas, que não é necessariamente adequado às distintas sociedades, minimiza as chances de sucesso do programa de DDR na prática. Através da análise de 86 depoimentos de ex-crianças soldado, busca-se identificar se há ou não correspondência entre os desejos, medos e frustrações expressos nestes relatos e a prática do DDR. / [en] By using as reference the theoretical field of Conflict Resolution and the debate presented by Michael Foucault in Discipline and Punishment, this dissertation aims at verifying the relationship between the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration program (DDR) developed by the UN and the former child soldiers’ perceptions about their transition to civilian life in postarmed conflict. It is estimated that at the present time there are over 300.000 children participating in armed conflicts around the world. In face of the child soldier problem, the challenge is therefore how to reverse the effects of the child soldiering, and, in doing so restore children’s future. The Child DDR is considered today the most satisfactory tool to attend the needs of former child soldiers and ensure their return to a civilian life. Ensuring the former child soldiers’ safe transition to civilian life is one of the key steps in the process of peace-building, since we are dealing with a group that serves as a vital engine of the new wars. It is argued that Child DDR is an instrument in potential. In theory, the program indeed has the resources that can contribute to a successful transition of former child soldiers to civilian life. However, the UN adoption of one specific notion of childhood as a pattern, which is not necessarily appropriate to different societies, reduces the Child DDR program s chances of success. Thus, through the analysis of 86 testimonies of former child soldiers, this research aims at identifying whether the desires, frustrations and fears raised by these demobilized youths are answered or not by the Child DDR program.

The dissertation explores the relationship between identity and international security, and tests the effect of the former on the latter by analyzing a set of puzzling phenomena in East Asia—the emergence of mutual threat perception in Sino-Japanese relations; increasingly conflictual relations between Korea and Japan after Korea’s democratization; the establishment of a regional human rights mechanism by ASEAN; and the settlement of key territorial disputes by Southeast Asian nations. Coupled with the diverging frequency of militarized interstate disputes between both regions, these phenomena suggest that Northeast Asia (NEA) has become a region of conflict with high tensions, while Southeast Asia (SEA) has increasingly developed into a region of peace with decreasing tension. The dissertation advances a new theoretical framework, namely, identity distance theory, to understand these puzzling phenomena. Identity distance refers to perceived socio-psychological differences between groups, and its widening (narrowing) is hypothesized to increase (decrease) the likelihood of intergroup conflict. Using a variety of methods—content analysis of newspapers; political elite survey; and a controlled case study on territorial disputes—the dissertation shows that it is the contrasting evolution of identity distance in the two regions that is the key to explaining the cross-regional differences. The root cause of the widening identity distance in NEA is the rise of the so-called history problem (lishi wenti) in the 1980s, influencing China’s threat perception of Japan and altering the effect of Korea’s democratization on its relations with Japan. In contrast, the narrowing identity distance in SEA due to the construction of a regional identity and community since the 1990s enabled thorny issues such as human rights to be discussed more freely by raising the comfort level among regional countries, and resulted in the resolution of two key territorial disputes in SEA through the arbitration of the International Court of Justice. Identity distance theory proposes a connection between identity and security, and contends that identity-related issues are an important factor affecting different regional dynamics. The findings of the dissertation suggest that the relations of enmity and amity between states are socially constructed through interactions between actors, which engender certain social identities and relations favorable for peace or conflict. / Government

This diploma thesis explores the topic of gender equality and places it into context of international relations and international security. The aim of the diploma thesis is to evaluate potential impacts of higher representation of women in decision-making on international security, with particular attention being given to the specific security situation of women. The diploma thesis treats the theoretical framework of feminist discourse in international relations and international security, with the last chapter presenting a case study of the sanction regime imposed against Iraq by the UN Security Council following the Gulf War.

Nuclear weapons remain salient to international security and stability given their continued existence within the strategic context of interstate relations, as well as their continued proliferation to state actors and potentially to non-state actors. Since the end of the Cold War, the U.S. and Russia have dramatically reduced their nuclear arsenals; however, the U.S and Russia today still have the large majority of the world's nuclear inventory, with thousands of nuclear weapons each and plans to maintain these large stockpiles. The central question of this study is-how does one reconcile the size and continued existence of the U.S. nuclear arsenal with U.S. nonproliferation policy and the U.S. commitment to pursue nuclear disarmament? This study's primary argument is that a nuclear-armed state can craft a weapons policy involving nuclear posture and force structure that balances the requirements of nuclear deterrence with nuclear nonproliferation objectives and eventual nuclear disarmament, and that the U.S. has imperfectly pursued such a balanced nuclear weapons policy since the end of the Cold War. This study's primary policy recommendations are that the U.S. nuclear arsenal can be reduced further and the U.S. can modify its nuclear posture to limit the role of nuclear weapons; such nuclear weapons policy changes that limit the mission and size of U.S. nuclear forces would demonstrate genuine commitment to nuclear nonproliferation and progress towards nuclear disarmament, while also maintaining a strategic deterrence capability for the foreseeable future. The pursuit of a balanced nuclear weapons policy will allow the U.S. to function as a genuine actor to positively influence the international nuclear environment towards a potentially nuclear-free world. Ultimately, global nuclear disarmament will likely require major developments within the international system, including the solving of the world's major security issues.

Cette recherche est envisagée pour observer la place de l’Islam confrérique dans la sphère publique et dans la vie politique, économique et sociale au Sénégal, avec un accent particulier sur la notion de sécurité humaine. Notre ambition est d’intégrer une réflexion la plus large possible sur les différentes situations contrastées que connaît l’Islam confrérique dans ce pays de 12 millions d’habitants avec plus de 90% de musulmans. L’accent consiste à interroger ce qu’on a appelé « l’exceptionnalisme sénégalais » avec une tradition démocratique relativement ancienne et solide. Cette étude a comme objet général d’explorer la sécurité que posent l’organisation et le fonctionnement des confréries religieuses sénégalaises. Elle s’appuie sur la mise en comparaison des deux principales confréries – Mouride et Tidjane – qui sont d’obédience sunnite. Elle intègre un angle d’approche tenant compte de la diversité et de la particularité des contextes socioculturels, politiques, économiques et religieux dans l’ordre international marqué par des menaces incessantes sur la sécurité. Cette mise en perspective de dynamiques culturelles singulières favorise la compréhension de logiques comportementales attribuant du sens à des démarches de sécurité des « fidèles » auprès des Marabouts et des confréries. Il s’agit aussi d’évaluer les nouvelles manifestations religieuses et leurs conséquences en termes individuels et collectifs sur la République, la démocratie, la laïcité et la sécurité de la nation sénégalaise. / This research is intended to observe the place of brotherhood of Islam in the public sphere and the political, economic and social Senegal, with particular emphasis on the concept of human security. Our goal is to integrate thinking about the broadest possible contrasting the different situations facing brotherhood of Islam in this country of 12 million people with over 90% Muslim. The focus is to examine the so-called "Senegalese exceptionalism" with a relatively old democratic tradition and strong. This study explored as general purpose security posed by the organization and functioning of religious brotherhoods in Senegal. It relies on setting comparison of the two major guilds - and Mouride Tidjane - who are Sunni. It includes an angle of approach taking into account the diversity and unique socio-cultural contexts, political, economic and religious in the international order marked by constant threats to security. This perspective of cultural dynamics unique promotes understanding of behavioral logic of assigning meaning to approaches to security "faithful" to the Marabouts and fraternities. It is also evaluating new religious events and their consequences for individuals and groups on the Republic, democracy, secularism and security of the Senegalese nation.

Esta tese pretende analisar a emergência da União Europeia (UE) como ator político relevante das relações internacionais. Para isso, avaliou-se a influência do Tratado de Lisboa na supranacionalidade da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC) da UE. No trabalho, procurou-se apresentar as teorias das relações internacionais, concentrando-se na perspectiva institucionalista para a análise da PESC. A partir daí, discute-se o conceito de supranacionalidade, para então identificar seus elementos característicos nas organizações internacionais, como a composição dos órgãos, o processo decisório, o ordenamento jurídico e a personalidade. Estudou-se também a evolução da Europa como entidade influente na política mundial, desde o Concerto Europeu, passando pela Comunidade Europeia (CE) e Cooperação Política Europeia (CPE) até as discussões que levaram à criação da UE e da PESC pelo Tratado de Maastricht, para depois examinar suas características e evoluções nos Tratados de Amsterdã e Nice. Por fim, o Tratado de Lisboa é analisado, verificando-se a hipótese do aumento no grau de supranacionalidade que ele trouxe à PESC. Assim, o trabalho relaciona os avanços do Tratado de Lisboa com as previsões feitas pelos teóricos institucionalistas, avaliando a validade de seus argumentos e tecendo cenários futuros com o auxílio da teoria, especialmente em relação à coesão da política externa européia. / This thesis aims to analyze the emergence of the European Union (EU) as a relevant political actor in international relations. For this, we evaluated the influence of the Lisbon Treaty in the supranationality of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). At this paper, we tried to present the theories of international relations, focusing on the institutionalist perspective to analyze the CFSP. Thereafter, we discuss the concept of supranationalism, and then identify its characteristic features in international organizations such as the composition of the bodies, decision-making, juridical order and the legal personality. It was also studied the evolution of Europe as an influential entity in world politics since the European Concert, passing by the European Community (EC) and the European Political Cooperation (EPC) to the discussions that led to the creation of the EU and the CFSP in the Maastricht Treaty, and then examined their characteristics and developments in the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice. Finally, the Lisbon Treaty is analyzed, verifying the hypothesis of an increased degree of supranationalism that it brought to the CFSP. Thus, the research relates the progress of the Lisbon Treaty with the theoretical predictions made by institutionalists, assessing the validity of their arguments and weaving future scenarios with the aid of the theory, especially in relation to the cohesion of European foreign policy.

This essay addresses the issue of how the Syrian civil war has impacted Turkey’s state and human security. The study aimed to provide an enhanced understanding of how the Syrian war has impacted Turkey’s security, within the timeframe of 2011-2019. The method that was applied to this study was a single case study where theories of state and human security were used to analyze the Syrian war’s impact on Turkey’s security. The results showed that the advancement of Kurdish forces as well as the Islamic state’s territorial expansion posed a threat towards the Turkish state’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. The war also impacted the authoritarian turn of the Turkish government, which generated in a coup attempt causing additional internal disability and threat towards the state’s security. In terms of Turkey’s human security, increased terrorism within the state as a cause of the Syrian war has impacted the physical security of the people. Moreover, health concerns arose due to the vast number of Syrian refugees in Turkey and posed a threat to the Turkish population. The refugee influx also changed the ethnic balance in some areas showing indications of ethnic tensions to foster, threatening the population. One can conclude that the Syrian war has impacted Turkey’s state security, through direct military threats regarding the rise and expansion the of PKK-YPG and ISIS. In terms of Turkey’s human security one can conclude that increasing terrorism and the vast number of refugees residing in the state caused by the Syrian war has impacted the safety and security of the Turkish people.

We live in a world driven by fast technologies. The same technologies that make information more accessible have created a dilemma by which the same conduits have also enabled access to mass amounts of counter-factual information. It is the assertion of this thesis project that counter- factual information poses a growing risk to the security and stability in liberal democratic societies and warrants a proportional response. The body of work which follows will explore what I have characterized as an information crisis. The information crisis, so presented, is a multi-faceted issue. It's constituent causes and outcomes concern both scholars of security studies and sociology. To address breadth of scope and immediacy of the crisis, the conceptual framework purposed in this project offers an interface between actor-network theory and security studies (ANT-security interface). Actor-network theory is a material-semiotic approach that preferences engagement with human and technological actants as an assemblage. Or, in other words, a network of relationships. The first chapter will introduce the dimensions of the information crisis, providing relevant examples of how counter-factual information embodies a human, and societal security issue. It will delineate important concepts such as misinformation, and...

logiky vhodnosti. Abstract Presented diploma thesis aims to answer a question whether the European Union can be perceived as a relevant actor of international security relations in the context of human rights protection and international security threat regulation. For the purpose of achieving the main goal of the thesis a definition of the EU actorness is used which presumes that the EU could be perceived as an actor of a policy provided it is being perceived as an actor acknowledged by other actors of international security and is able to influence their behavior at the same time. Both are proved by analysis of the antiterrorist sanction régimes, and more specifically a related the Court of Justice case Kadi. By means of the case, the EU pushed for institutional changes within the UN Security Council strengthening human rights protection. Within the EU, regarding the Member States, the EU can be perceived as actor if it succeeds in spread its own normative patterns among them. By the analysis of the Kadi case as well as of the Court's human rights doctrine development I try to prove that an EU institution (in this case the Court of Justice) succeeds in convincing the Member States that they should support the Court of Justice doctrine even though it might diminish their own power and influence. Normative...