Au XVIIIe siècle, il incombe aux autorités de veiller à l’approvisionnement des habitants en denrées alimentaires, en combustibles et en chandelles de suif. Le rattachement de Strasbourg au royaume de France de Louis XIV en 1681 signifie la fin de l’indépendance de la cité, le préteur royal étant à la tête du magistrat. Quelle conséquence cette évolution institutionnelle a-t-elle sur la politique d’approvisionnement de la ville ? Celle-ci demeure régulièrement perturbée par les accidents météorologiques, les guerres et les agissements des spéculateurs. Elle doit par ailleurs répondre à une demande croissante. La cité continue de se ravitailler en grain et en vin dans la province d’Alsace, mais elle recourt à l’importation pour le bois de chauffage, les bestiaux ou encore le café. Les tribus, à l’instar de celle des bouchers, jouent un rôle important dans l’approvisionnement de la ville qui se trouve compromis en 1788. / In the eighteenth century, it is the responsibility of the autorities to make sure that the inhabitants are provided with food, fuels and tallow candles. Strasbourg becoming part of the kingdom of Louis XIVth in 1681 means the end of the independance of the city, the royal preator being now the head of the magistracy. Which consequence does this institutional evolution have on the supplying policy of the city ? The latter remains regularly disrupted by weather setbacks, wars and the schemes of speculators. Besides, it must meet an ever increasing demand. The Alsace province still provides grain and wine, but the city resorts to importation for ist firewood, livestock and coffee too. The« tribes » (a grouping of guilds), as for instance the butchers’, play an important part in supplying the town, a task jeopardized in 1788.

La France de nos jours ne connait un moyen plus légitime de sélectionner le personnel que le concours public, et depuis 1958, le concours public est devenu aussi le moyen par excellence de sélection du corps de la magistrature. Cependant, l'état actuel d'une sociologie de ce groupe professionnel ne répond pas à la question « comment devient-on magistrat en France ? » en tenant compte du concours. Beaucoup de travaux ont été consacrés à la scolarisation au sein de l'ENM, ainsi qu'à la socialisation professionnelle des magistrats. Les réponses académiques expliquent plus largement les processus de sélection sociale. La réponse déterministe expliquera les processus de sélection sociale par des déterminations structurelles liées à l'héritage de compétences venues surtout de l'origine de classe et du parcours scolaire. La réponse compréhensive expliquera les compétitions et sélections par une sorte d'« effet miroir » existant entre sélectionneurs et sélectionnés. La première réponse institutionnelle consiste à dire que le concours est fait pour sélectionner les meilleurs étudiants sortants de l'enseignement universitaire. La seconde réponse, concurrente et simultanée à la première, dit que le concours doit chercher dans les candidats un profil taillé pour le métier de magistrat, du point de vue technique mais aussi psychologique. Croyant voir des insuffisances et même peut être des erreurs dans toutes ces réponses, ce travail sera consacré à l'élaboration d'une autre réponse. À travers l'usage d'une sociologie interactionniste, et d'une approche empirique multi-méthode, la recherche proposée ici essayera de valoriser l'interaction entre les préparateurs, les jurés et les candidats, ainsi que les contextes particuliers des différentes épreuves comme sources majeures d'une autre réponse possible à la question « comment devient-on magistrat en France ? ». Tout d'abord, au lieu de l'écarter, il faut s'attacher à la tautologie selon laquelle « les concours sélectionnent ceux qui se sont mieux préparés aux concours », car il n'est pas si futile qu'il y parait. / Contemporary France does not know a more legitimate mean of personnel selection than the public examination, and since 1958 it has become the means of magistrates recruitment by excellence. It is noteworthy, however, that the state of the art in the sociology of professional groups in France today does not take the examination into consideration when seeking an answer to the question “how does one become a magistrate in France today?” Instead, most work consecrates on the teachings at the National School of Magistracy (ENM) and on the magistrate's professional socialization. A variety of answers to the question of selection are proposed by contemporary scholarship. The determinist answer explains the social selection processes by the structural determination linked to the “competence heritage” coming above all from the social origin and the scholar's background. The comprehensive answer explains the competitions and selections by means of a “mirror effect” between jurors and candidates. A first institutional answer suggests that the examination is designed in order to select the best students finishing the university system. A second institutional answer, which is simultaneous and concurrent with the first, says that the examination must search in the candidates a suitable profile for the profession of magistrate from a technical but also a psychological point of view. Finding these explanations to be insufficient or even false, this work is dedicated to the formulation of a new one. Through the use of interactionnist sociology and an empirical multi-method approach, the research presented here seeks to revalue the interactions among jurors and candidates, and the peculiar context of the different exams as a major source of a new possible answer to the question “how does one become a magistrate in France?” For now, instead of ignoring it, it is necessary to reassess to the apparent tautology that says “the examinations selects those who are best prepared for the examinations,” because it is not as futile as it seems.

Les institutions de la République romain (509-27 av. J. C.) prévoyaient, théoriquement, que les magistratures électives et annuelles ne devaient jamais être vacantes. Ce principe juridique fondamental avait pour conséquence une absolue continuité dans la détention du pouvoir exécutif qui reposait sur le ius, les auspicia et l’imperium. Cependant, il arriva à maintes reprises que les magistratures supérieures – consulat, tribunat militaire à pouvoir consulaire – fussent suspendues en raison soit d’entrave à la tenue des comices électoraux, soit de scrupules religieux entraînant l’expiation rituelle et la renouatio auspiciorum. La légimité et la légalité de la solution à la vacance du pouvoir exécutif reposaient alors sur les patres auctores, détenteurs des auspicia patrum, apanage exclusif des sénateurs patriciens. Les vénérables pères, descendants des plus illustres familles de Rome, étaient les seuls à même de remédier à la vacance des magistratures par ce rite nommé interregnum qui remontait, d’après la tradition, à l’époque royale latino-sabine et renvoyait au mythe bien connu du démembrement et de l’apothéose de Romulus. Le partage du corps souverain constitue à ce titre un symbole fondamental de la représentation de l’auctoritas patrum et de la magistrature républicaine dont il serait peut-être vain de rechercher l’historicité. L’objet de cette étude est donc d’analyser la fort ancienne institution de l’interregnum qui, comme bien d’autres, était caractérisée par un passage progressif du sacral au juridique. Le droit public prévoit dans tout système institutionnel des recours d’exception révélant la représentation psychologique du pouvoir souverain. Rome n’échappe pas à la règle ; elle put même, d’une certaine façon l’inventer. / The institutions of the Roman Republic (509-27 B.C.) were made to ensure, in theory, that electives and annuals magistracies must never be vacant. This fundamental juridic rule had for consequence an absolute continuity in the detention of the executive power which were based on ius, auspicia and imperium. However, in many times it occurs that the supremes magistracies – consulate, military tribunate with consular power – were suspended in reason either hindrance to the conduct of consular elections or religious misgiving leading to ritual expiation and renouatio auspiciorum. Legitimity and legality of the solution to the vacancy of the executive power then relied on the patres auctores, holders of the auspicia patrum, exclusive privilege of the patrician senators. The venerables fathers, heirs of Rome’s most illustrious families, were the only ones habilited to put an end to the vacancy of the magistracies by using this ritual called interregnum which appeared, following the roman tradition, during the latine-sabine period et were connected to the famous myth of the dismemberment and the apotheosis of Romulus. The partition of the king’s embodiment constitute, as such, a fundamental symbol of the representation of auctoritas patrum and of the republican magistracy on which it should be vain to search any historicity. The purpose of this study is so to analyse the very old institution of the interregnum which, as many, were caracterised by the progressive transformation from the sacral to the juridic. The public law makes provision, in all institutionnals systems, for exception resort revealing the psychologic representation of the sovereign power. Rome is not an exception to the rule ; the city could even, in a certain manner, have invented it.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O eixo temático se desenvolveu a partir do questionamento sobre como foi o processo de reconstrução de Sagunto, que foi promovido por Roma. A região de Sagunto configura como o motivo central para o embate entre romanos e cartagineses. Todavia, com o término da Segunda Guerra Púnica (218-202 a.C.), a cidade estava destruída e uma embaixada saguntina foi enviada para Roma, a fim de solicitar ao Senado sua reorganização. O pedido aparece como sendo bem aceito pelos senadores romanos. Contudo, a partir desse momento, começa o silenciamento. A escassez de informações sobre a temática foi o primeiro problema encontrado ao longo da pesquisa. Sendo assim, foi necessário recorrer à documentação arqueológica da cidade, à numismática e à epigrafia para conseguir preencher as lacunas referentes ao tema de pesquisa. Os indícios possibilitaram não somente compreender a cidade de Sagunto e seus vários estatutos jurídicos perante Roma, como também lançar outro olhar sobre as práticas imperialistas. Ao evocar Edward Said como teórico deste trabalho, elemento de inovação da pesquisa, é possível construir a estrutura de atitudes e referências que os romanos, entre os séculos II a.C. e I d.C., aplicaram na região saguntina para consolidar o seu poder. Assim, por meio do estudo das entidades geográficas, compreende-se o espaço físico da cidade e, pelo conceito de entidades culturais, analisam-se o sistema administrativo e os colégios sacerdotais atuantes em Sagunto, no século I d.C. Logo, o imperialismo romano pode ser visto como um mecanismo que se vale de diversos elementos, os quais não se limitam à força no processo de ocupação. Em suma, política e cultura são peças centrais no processo de preservação do poder romano no espaço provincial. / The main theme of this paper evolved from questioning how was the process of reconstruction of Sagunt, which was promoted by Rome. The region of Sagunt configured as the central reason for the clash between the Romans and Carthaginians. However, with the end of the Second Punic War (218-201 B.C.), the city was destroyed and a Saguntine embassy was sent to Rome in order to ask the Senate for its reorganization. The request seemed to be well accepted by Roman senators. From that moment, silence began. The shortage of information about the subject was the first problem found during the research. Therefore, it was necessary to resort to archaeological documentation of the city, as well as to numismatics and epigraphy, in order to fill in the gaps regarding the research topic. The evidence enabled us to not understand the city of Sagunt and its various juridical statutes faced to Rome, but also look afresh at the imperialist practices. When Edward Said is evoked as theoretical reference, the aspect of innovation of this research, it is possible to build the structure of attitudes and references that Romans implemented in the Saguntine region, between the centuries II B.C. and I A.D., to consolidate their power. So, the study of geographic entities allows the understanding of the citys physical space . The concept of cultural entities enables an analyses of the administrative system and the priestly colleges operating in Sagunt in the first century A.D. Roman imperialism can be seen as a mechanism that draws on several elements, which are not limited to force in the occupation process. In short, politics and culture are central in the process of preservation of Roman power in the provincial area.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O eixo temático se desenvolveu a partir do questionamento sobre como foi o processo de reconstrução de Sagunto, que foi promovido por Roma. A região de Sagunto configura como o motivo central para o embate entre romanos e cartagineses. Todavia, com o término da Segunda Guerra Púnica (218-202 a.C.), a cidade estava destruída e uma embaixada saguntina foi enviada para Roma, a fim de solicitar ao Senado sua reorganização. O pedido aparece como sendo bem aceito pelos senadores romanos. Contudo, a partir desse momento, começa o silenciamento. A escassez de informações sobre a temática foi o primeiro problema encontrado ao longo da pesquisa. Sendo assim, foi necessário recorrer à documentação arqueológica da cidade, à numismática e à epigrafia para conseguir preencher as lacunas referentes ao tema de pesquisa. Os indícios possibilitaram não somente compreender a cidade de Sagunto e seus vários estatutos jurídicos perante Roma, como também lançar outro olhar sobre as práticas imperialistas. Ao evocar Edward Said como teórico deste trabalho, elemento de inovação da pesquisa, é possível construir a estrutura de atitudes e referências que os romanos, entre os séculos II a.C. e I d.C., aplicaram na região saguntina para consolidar o seu poder. Assim, por meio do estudo das entidades geográficas, compreende-se o espaço físico da cidade e, pelo conceito de entidades culturais, analisam-se o sistema administrativo e os colégios sacerdotais atuantes em Sagunto, no século I d.C. Logo, o imperialismo romano pode ser visto como um mecanismo que se vale de diversos elementos, os quais não se limitam à força no processo de ocupação. Em suma, política e cultura são peças centrais no processo de preservação do poder romano no espaço provincial. / The main theme of this paper evolved from questioning how was the process of reconstruction of Sagunt, which was promoted by Rome. The region of Sagunt configured as the central reason for the clash between the Romans and Carthaginians. However, with the end of the Second Punic War (218-201 B.C.), the city was destroyed and a Saguntine embassy was sent to Rome in order to ask the Senate for its reorganization. The request seemed to be well accepted by Roman senators. From that moment, silence began. The shortage of information about the subject was the first problem found during the research. Therefore, it was necessary to resort to archaeological documentation of the city, as well as to numismatics and epigraphy, in order to fill in the gaps regarding the research topic. The evidence enabled us to not understand the city of Sagunt and its various juridical statutes faced to Rome, but also look afresh at the imperialist practices. When Edward Said is evoked as theoretical reference, the aspect of innovation of this research, it is possible to build the structure of attitudes and references that Romans implemented in the Saguntine region, between the centuries II B.C. and I A.D., to consolidate their power. So, the study of geographic entities allows the understanding of the citys physical space . The concept of cultural entities enables an analyses of the administrative system and the priestly colleges operating in Sagunt in the first century A.D. Roman imperialism can be seen as a mechanism that draws on several elements, which are not limited to force in the occupation process. In short, politics and culture are central in the process of preservation of Roman power in the provincial area.

The article is related to an autonomous constitutional body responsible for the selection, appointment, ratification and dismissal of the judges and prosecutors. Strictly speaking, it exercises a political and administrative function. The first one is understood because, by the rule of the Constitution, it exercises power of institutionalized determination and directs its decisions in accordance with ideological and juridical principles and values provided in said text. The second one is meant to expose a unilateral declaration of will made in the name and representation of the State that produces individual legal effects, immediately. / El artículo trata de un órgano constitucional autónomo encargado de la selección, nombramiento, ratificación y destitución de los jueces y fiscales. En puridad, ejerce una función político-administrativa. La primera se entiende en razón a que, por mandato de la Constitución, ejerce potestad de determinación institucionalizada y orienta sus decisiones conforme a los principios y valores ideológicos y jurídicos previstos en dicho texto. La segunda s e e ntiende e n r azón a e xponer u na d eclaración u nilateral de voluntad realizada a nombre y representación del Estado que produce efectos jurídicos individuales en forma inmediata.

El proyecto consiste en implementar el nuevo Consejo Nacional de la Magistratura, este edificio judicial su principal función es velar por la justicia del Perú nombrando, ratificando y destituyendo a los jueces y fiscales de toda la nación. La necesidad de la investigación se basa en la implementación de mejores espacios arquitectónicos que requiere la institución, ya que en la actualidad los que presenta no son óptimos y no están a la altura de una institución de tanta importancia. La ubicación del proyecto es en Lima debido a que según su Ley Orgánica la sede principal debe ser en la capital, por ende se ubica en San Isidro por ser un espacio estratégico debido a su cercanía con avenidas importantes que facilitan su ubicación. / The project consists of implementing the new National Council of Magistrates, this judicial building whose main function is to ensure the justice of Peru by appointing, ratifying and dismissing judges and prosecutors throughout the nation. The need for research is based on the implementation of better architectural spaces required by the institution, since currently the ones presented are not optimal and are not up to an institution of such importance. The location of the project is in Lima because according to its Organic Law the main headquarters must be in the capital, therefore it is located in San Isidro because it is a strategic space due to its proximity to important avenues that facilitate its location. / Trabajo de suficiencia profesional

Following the appointment of its first aristocratic Grand Masters in the 1720s and in the wake of its connections to the scientific Enlightenment, ‘Free and Accepted’ Masonry rapidly became part of Britain’s national profile and the largest and arguably the most influential of Britain’s extensive clubs and societies. The new organisation did not evolve naturally from the mediaeval guilds and religious orders that pre-dated it, but was reconfigured radically by a largely self-appointed inner core. Freemasonry became a vehicle for the expression and transmission of the political and religious views of those at its centre, and for the scientific Enlightenment concepts that they championed. The ‘Craft’ also offered a channel through which many sought to realise personal aspirations: social, intellectual and financial. Through an examination of relevant primary and secondary documentary evidence, this thesis seeks to contribute to a broader understanding of contemporary English political and social culture, and to explore the manner in which Freemasonry became a mechanism that promoted the interests of the Hanoverian establishment and connected and bound a number of élite metropolitan and provincial figures. A range of networks centred on the aristocracy, parliament, the magistracy and the learned and professional societies are studied, and key individuals instrumental in spreading and consolidating the Masonic message identified. The thesis also explores the role of Freemasonry in the development of the scientific Enlightenment. The evidence suggests that Freemasonry should be recognised not only as the most prominent of the many eighteenth century fraternal organisations, but also as a significant cultural vector and a compelling component of the social, economic, scientific and political transformation then in progress.

La thèse s'intéresse à la prise en compte de l'individu dans les politiques locales du logement des personnes défavorisées, issues de la loi Besson de 1990. A partir de l'étude de quatre départements, par l'observation de commissions d'attribution des aides, elle approfondit la notion de magistrature sociale, en y intégrant les notions de situation, représentation administrative des demandeurs, de problématiques, catégories publiques de perception des problèmes de l'individu, et de mise en récit mettant en cohérence ces éléments. Ces observations mettent en lumière des tensions entre des normes, informelles, et des règles, formelles, dans l'attribution des aides et la forme du travail des commissions. Elles sont le reflet d'un antagonisme plus profond entre un principe d'individualisation des aides et un principe d'équivalence qui veut que des situations semblables soient traitées de manière semblable. Ces politiques du logement des personnes défavorisées peuvent être vues comme proches des politiques d'insertion, s'insérant dans un même paradigme d'action publique. Elles portent certaines visions de l'individu, un « individualisme institutionnel ». Cette individualisme est marqué par le modèle de l'individu autonome et responsable. Les recherches menées permettent de dégager trois modes de prise en compte des individus défaillants par rapport à ce modèle : les victimes - de contraintes extérieures -, les coupables-responsables - en raison de leurs actes - et les incapables - dont certaines compétences sont altérées. La question de la bonne foi, posée dans le cadre de la prévention des expulsions locatives, vise alors à départager des situations indécises entre les figures de victime et de coupable-responsable / This is a study about how the French local policies for deprived people housing take in account the individual. It is based on the observation of four French local authorities and their grantsallocating commissions. It specifies the notion of social magistracy, explaining on what they work : the situations, which are the administrative representation of the applicants, the problematics, which are the public frames to take in account individual's problems and the story-setting that build a coherence among these different elements. These observations show the tensions between informal norms and formal rules in the allocating process and in the work of the commission itself. These tensions are bound to a deeper antagonism between the principle of individualising the assistance and the equivalence principle, for which similar situations should have similar treatment. These housing policies can be included in the same policy paradigm as the integration policies. They hold specific views of the individual, an institutional individualism. This kind of individualism is influenced by the pattern of the autonomous and responsible individual. This research shows three ways of dealing with defaulting individuals : they can be victim - of external constraints –, guilty-responsible – of their acts – or incapable, lacking some competencies. Thus the good faith criteria, on which the eviction procedure particularly emphasizes can be seen as a way of sorting out uncertain situations between victims and guilty-responsible individuals

La présente thèse dit ce qu’est le Président de la République Portugaise, elle le nomme. Pour ce faire, elle montre comment la figure présidentielle s’est construite depuis 1986, depuis que la démocratie portugaise n’est plus « à l’ombre des épées ». A cette fin, la thèse examine d’abord la légitimité particulière du Chef de l’Etat lusitain, directe mais apartisane. Celle-ci doit être comprise à la lumière de l’histoire politique et constitutionnelle du Portugal qui a connu le parlementarisme éclaté et la dictature personnelle. Elle examine ensuite la position du Président de la République au sein de l’architecture constitutionnelle portugaise au moyen de ses pouvoirs et de ses relations avec le Gouvernement en tant que fonction et en tant qu’organe. Si la présidence portugaise ne détermine pas la politique générale du pays, les différents titulaires de la charge présidentielle ont su participer à la formation de la volonté politique de l’Etat grâce au développement d’une magistrature qui leur est propre. Leurs prises de parole et leurs actions de terrain ont permis au Président de la République d’avoir une réalité par-delà le dispositif constitutionnel. De ces différents éléments, la thèse infère enfin la qualification du régime politique portugais et se clôt sur la dénomination de la figure présidentielle portugaise, telle qu’elle a été et s’est construite. / This doctoral dissertation tells what the President of the Portuguese Republic is and gives it a name. To this end, it shows how the Portuguese presidential figure has built itself since 1986, since the Portuguese democracy has no more been under the “shadow of swords”. To reach this goal, the dissertation begins by focusing on the president’s legitimacy, direct but unpartisan. Its particular legitimacy cannot be understood without referring to Portugal’s political and constitutional history which went through fragmented parliamentarism and personal dictatorship. Then it considers the presidential position within the Portuguese constitutional framework using its powers and looking into its relations with the Government as a function and as an organ. If the Portuguese presidency does not fix the country general policy, it does take part in the State’s will formation due to the emergence of a proper magistracy. Speech and field acts have given a reality to the President beyond the constitutional purview. Finally, this doctoral dissertation infers the qualification of the Portuguese political regime and ends by naming the Portuguese presidential figure, as it has been built and as it has been built itself.