Òyötùnjí: The Making of Africans in America examines the impact of self-identification with African culture and the impact it has on African identity within social and Black Nationalist movements. More so than the Civil Rights movement, the Black Nationalist movement has influenced the ways in which African Americans self identified as a group and as individuals. Comprised primarily of African nationalists, Òyötùnjí Village was considered the vanguard in re- introducing the African ideology into Santeria, and giving birth to what is now considered the Ifa/Yoruba tradition. As the intentional community of Òyötùnjí grew, the Ifa tradition spread as well because of its porous population. To explore the relationship between identity and social movements, this paper examines the motivation behind the formation of Òyötùnjí Village and the formation of an independent community.

This study analyzes the bicycling community of Lexington, Kentucky. Interviews and participant observation were conducted in order to better understand the structure of Lexington’s cycling community, revealing three prominent groups/types of cyclists: (1) road cyclists, (2) underground/urban cyclists, and (3) commuters. The characteristics of each group are discussed, with particular attention devoted to the underground/urban cyclists, due to their politically-minded culture. Building from prior social movement literature, the unique framing processes of the underground/urban cycling group are analyzed in order to explore the group as a new social movement. Finally, the potential for a broader cycling movement based upon interests common to all cyclists is discussed.

In 2003, the town of Craik initiated a unique renewable energy project with the dual goals of addressing both the environmental and the rural economic crisis. This Masters thesis provides an exploration of the factors that both facilitate and constrain the advancement of this project. The research focuses on the question: What are the cultural and social factors that inhibit the Craik project from meeting its environmental and economic goals? New social movement theory provides a theoretical framework for explaining contradictions within social movements, while a critical ethnographic methodology is used to uncover specific underlying contradictions that exist at Craik. This thesis analyzes the dynamics of facilitating and non-facilitating factors to make visible the deeper sources of conflict, to contribute to theoretical models of social change and understandings of community development. Furthermore, the thesis provides direction for the Craik eco-project that can further the implementation of practices that will facilitate both its economic and environmental goals. Finally, the study provides valuable insights to other communities working to facilitate similar eco-projects and influence public policy in response to global warming

In 2003, the town of Craik initiated a unique renewable energy project with the dual goals of addressing both the environmental and the rural economic crisis. This Masters thesis provides an exploration of the factors that both facilitate and constrain the advancement of this project. The research focuses on the question: What are the cultural and social factors that inhibit the Craik project from meeting its environmental and economic goals? New social movement theory provides a theoretical framework for explaining contradictions within social movements, while a critical ethnographic methodology is used to uncover specific underlying contradictions that exist at Craik. This thesis analyzes the dynamics of facilitating and non-facilitating factors to make visible the deeper sources of conflict, to contribute to theoretical models of social change and understandings of community development. Furthermore, the thesis provides direction for the Craik eco-project that can further the implementation of practices that will facilitate both its economic and environmental goals. Finally, the study provides valuable insights to other communities working to facilitate similar eco-projects and influence public policy in response to global warming

This study analyzes the framing processes of the Indignados movement in Barcelona, as an exemplar of the latest wave of protests, and argues that it expresses a new ecological-economic way out of the crisis. It finds that the movement was not just a reaction to the economic crisis and austerity policies, but that it put forward a metapolitical critique of the social imaginary and (neo)liberal representative democracy. The diagnostic frames of the movement denunciate the subjugation of politics and justice to economics, and reject the logic of economism. The prognostic frames of the movement advance a vision of socio-ecological sustainability and of "real democracy", each articulated differently by a "pragmatist" and an "autonomist" faction within the movement. It argues that frames are overarching outer boundaries that accommodate different ideologies. Ideologies can nevertheless also be put into question by antagonizing frames. Furthermore, through the lens of the Indignados critique, the distinction between materialist and post-materialist values that characterizes the New Social Movement literature is criticised, as "real democracy" is connected to social and environmental justice as well as to a critique of economism and the "imperial mode of living".

Despite the high vulnerability of alpine environments to climate change, adaptation and mitigation within the winter sport industry have only recently received consideration. However, the focus has been mainly on the adaptation measures of the ski resort operators (supply side), not taking into consideration other actors (demand side) or attempts aiming for a sustainable form of winter tourism. Through a case study of Protect Our Winters (POW), an environmental group started by a professional snowboarder, this research aims at investigating the role of a new social movement, ski activism, in combating climate change. Interviews with active members of POW Austria and participant observations at events and meetings of this same organisationwere conducted and analysed to gain an overview on the matter. Results show that empirical knowledge of climate change consequences and the concern about the future of lifestyle sports such as skiing and snowboarding can motivate activist behaviour. Furthermore, the variety of outreach tools of an organisation like POW can help raise awareness and inspire to join the ski activist movement. Because the study deals with a new type of movement, further research is needed to explore the effects of this alternative climate mitigation attempt and to analyse more initiatives and organisations started by the demand side of the winter sport industry.

Contemporary activists in the United States find it increasingly difficult to negotiate socio-political constraints to build a social movement. Those looking for relatively safe and effective venues for participation in and communication of dissent face oppression by the hegemonic power of the political right and, in the case of climate activism, anti-climate-science discourse. I use the case study of the climate action movement to explore how contemporary activists use new communication media technologies (hereafter new media) to establish and strengthen a movement. Even though climate change affects the daily lives of ordinary Americans, no U.S. policy exists to mitigate carbon emissions. New media offer the potential for new, safer venues for participation in and communication about social movements. I used empirical qualitative and critical methods to analyze the communication of climate change activism in Texas, USA. I examined how Step It Up! 2007 (SIU) used new media to facilitate or constrain public participation in climate action. I used critical discourse analysis to examine information provided to citizens on the SIU website, and I attended the SIU event in San Antonio, Texas. I found SIU organizers successfully used new media to increase agitation and to shift power away from the federal government to the local grassroots level. I recommend activists use new media as a unifying tool, to provide a fragmented and apathetic citizenry with a message that can be used to affect change. I conducted a critical rhetorical analysis of Working Film’s 2007 documentary on global warming, Everything’s Cool, as a means to suggest how, and in what ways, activists use new media to build a movement. I also hosted an activist screening. I examined how new media facilitate or constrain communication of movement messages. I found activists used the documentary and open source activism as a rhetorical exercise in agitation to refigure public understanding of climate science and attitudes toward U.S. climate change policy. Everything’s Cool positioned climate activism, and participating in the movement broadly, as accessible and acceptable, helping to rhetorically constitute a new kind of citizen activist, shifting power roles to a grassroots network of local leaders.

This thesis studies the ‘Black Lives Matter’ movement and what achievements it has been able to accomplish related to its objectives, in order to create a better under- standing of how new social movements work and what they can accomplish. The objectives and achievements were divided into different categories: cultural recognition, physical security, socio-economic, and other. The findings show that most of the objectives were of the physical security and socio-economic category while most of the achievements were outside of the objectives the BLM movement set and are mostly related to the cultural recognition category. The study argues that this is due to the characteristics of the BLM movement as a new social movement as well as the BLM not being specific enough in its objectives. With this knowledge there is an understanding that new social movements are very good at engaging people but could improve in their achievements.

Fatta - vilken kampanj! Den digitala samhällsutvecklingen de senaste decenniet har förändrat kommunikationslandskapet och bidragit till att engagemang för samhällsfrågor antagit nya former. Detta har skapat nya sätt för individer att ta ställning i samhällspolitiska frågor och nya möjligheter för organisationer att mobilisera och engagera. Men engagemanget i sociala medier har ifrågasatts. De senaste årens forskning kring engagemang i sociala medier visar upp en dubbelsidig och tvetydig bild av vilken betydelse engagemanget i sociala medier kan ha för en aktör. Genom att genomföra en processtudie av hur aktören Fatta lyckats skapa stort engagemang i sociala medier och växt från framgångsrik kampanj till inflytelserik organisation, ämnar denna studie bidra till en djupare förståelse för vilken betydelse engagemang i sociala medier har för aktörer som eftersträvar samhällsförändring. Det empiriska materialet utgörs av en processbeskrivning som består av datainsamling från en mängd typer av data, observationer i digitala kanaler och intervjuer med människor som har koppling till Fatta. Studien visar att Fattas förflyttning möjliggjordes av att det fanns en social rörelse som Fatta med hjälp av sociala medier lyckades kroka i, nämligen den feministiska rörelsen. Den möjliggjordes också av den identitet de lyckades skapa kring Fatta samt av den uppmärksamhet de gavs utanför sociala medier som delvis kan härledas till det starka stöd och engagemang som fanns för Fatta sociala medier. Förutom att bekräfta tidigare forskning kring att sociala medier förenklar och möjliggör mobilisering och ger möjligheter till att snabbt agera, kan sociala medier ge aktörer som verkar för samhällsförändring symbolisk makt. Genom de människor som visade sitt stöd för Fatta beviljade de så väl fysiska resurser som tillträde till maktens korridorer där de kunde påverka beslutsfattare. / <p>Stort tack till FATTA och alla informanter som med stort engagemang gjort detta arbete till ett rent nöje!</p>

[pt] Os coletivos enquanto modelo de mobilização social já se apresentam ao longo da história do Brasil e do mundo, contudo vem crescendo exponencialmente entre os jovens universitários desde as manifestações de junho de 2013. Os coletivos de mães universitárias dão novo formato aos debates acerca dos direitos das mulheres-mães na universidade, especialmente nos estados do Rio de Janeiro e São Paulo, onde encontramos os números mais expressivos destes coletivos. Sendo assim, o objetivo desta tese foi analisar a constituição dos Coletivos de Mães Universitárias no estado do Rio de Janeiro e o processo de adesão das ativistas que fundam esses coletivos. Além disso, identificamos as principaispautas dos coletivos de mães universitárias no Rio de Janeiro bem como asestratégias estabelecidas pelos coletivos para efetivação de seus objetivos. Pudemos compreender a gênese e a constituição dos coletivos de mães universitárias do estado do Rio de Janeiro, identificar as razões das estudantes para participarem destes coletivos e identificar as principais lideranças e protagonistas da fase de formação dos coletivos. Para isso, mapeamos os referidos coletivos e produzimos um mapa interativo, além de realizarmos entrevistas semiestruturadas com as ativistas fundadoras, que deram profundidade às narrativas apresentadas e identificaram as pautas, estratégias, conexões e as origens dos sete coletivos do Rio de Janeiro. Compreendemos que as mães figuram como estudantes não tradicionais e que, por isso, constituem redes de apoio internas e externas, nas quais o coletivo de mães se insere. Além disso, constatou-se que, embora os coletivos de mães universitárias possuam demandas semelhantes, seus modos de organização e suas estratégias são altamente responsivos ao seu contexto e às alianças que estabelecem entre as própriasativistas, docentes, gestores, outros coletivos e instituições. Todavia, todos os coletivos utilizam ativamente as redes sociais, característica que se torna ainda mais evidente durante o período pandêmico. Assim, os coletivos de mães universitárias já apresentam os primeiros resultados de suas atuações tanto nos seus contextos locais quanto no cenário nacional. / [en] Collectives as a model of social mobilization have been present throughout the history of Brazil and the world, but they have been growing exponentially among young university students since the demonstrations of June 2013. Collectives of university mothers give a new format to the debates about the rights of women-mothers in universities, especially in the states of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, where we find the most expressive numbers of these collectives.Therefore, the objective of this thesis was to analyze the formation of the Collectives of University Mothers in the state of Rio de Janeiro and the process of adhesion of the activists who founded these collectives. In addition, we identified the main agendas of the collectives of university mothers in Rio de Janeiro, as well as the strategies established by the collectives to achieve their objectives. We were able to understand the genesis and constitution of the collectives of university mothers in the state of Rio de Janeiro, identify the reasons why the students participate in these collectives, and identify the main leaders and protagonists of the formation phase of the collectives. To this end, we mapped these collectives and produced an interactive map, in addition to conducting semi-structured interviews with the founding activists, which gave depth to the narratives presented and identified the agendas, strategies, connections, and origins of the seven collectives in Rio de Janeiro. We understand that mothers are non-traditional students and that, for this reason, they constitute internal and external support networks, in which the collective of mothers is inserted. In addition, it was found that, although the collectives of university mothers have similar demands, their modes of organization and strategies are highly responsive to their context and to the alliances they establish between the activists themselves, teachers, managers, other collectives, and institutions. However, all collectives actively use social media, a characteristic that becomes even more evident during the pandemic period. Thus, the collectives of university mothers are already showing the first results of their actions both in their local contexts and on the national scene.