This dissertation argues that Pacific literature is haunted by a form of ecological aggression known as nuclear colonialism. The Pacific is the region of the world where Western nations tested most of their nuclear and thermonuclear weapons – an extreme form of colonial occupation that will impact both the land and the people for hundreds of thousands of years. This study analyzes Pacific works published post World War II, from Māori poet Hone Tuwhare’s 1964 collection of poetry to riMajel oral performer Kathy Jetn̄il-Kijiner’s 2017 videoart, focusing in particular on the francophone works of writers identifying as Kanak, Mā’ohi, and Ni-Vanuatu. Through a series of close-readings of this multilingual and transnational corpus, it argues that nuclear colonialism functions as a leitmotiv informing both the politics and the poetics of this anticolonial corpus, despite the fact that nuclear violence is often denounced in between the lines, through oblique and diffuse references mirroring the ubiquity of radioactivity itself.

北韓核問題引起世界各國的關注，更觸動了中國的神經。雖然，中國領導人一貫強調支持朝鮮半島無核化及希望朝鮮半島能夠保持和平穩定，但中國在處理兩次核問題的方式及舉措卻完全不同。在第一次核危機(1991至1994年)爆發時，中國主要採取不介入的政策；但在第二次核危機(2002至2005年)時，中國卻完全擺脫被動的角色，主動擔當核危機的調停者。 / 正因為中國處理兩次北韓核問題採取完全不同的外交方針及策略，而且兩次核危機橫跨十多年的時間，無論是國際格局及中國國力也有重大的改變。因此，筆者會嘗試從東北亞的國際體系及權力分配、中國參與國際組織及多邊機制的情況和中國的身份認同及對國家利益及安全的看法這三方面去探討中國主動舉辦「六方會談」以解決第二次北韓核問題的主要原因。 / 為了更能有效檢視研究論題，筆者也會分析中國90年代末參與的「四方會談」、中國所構建的上海合作組織及九一一事件，以評估這些中介變項對中國主動舉辦「六方會談」的影響。筆者希望能夠從是項研究去瞭解中國外交政策的走向，以評估及預測未來中國對其他國際事務的取態及方針。 / As the North Korea Nuclear Crisis is one of the most critical security issues for China, the Chinese leaders always claim to maintain peace, prosperity, stability and a nuclear-free status on the Korean Peninsula. But in the two nuclear crises, China presented different attitudes and used different strategies to deal with this issue. / In the first nuclear crisis (1991-1994), China served as neither a mediator nor a peacemaker, and claimed that Washington and Pyongyang should settle the dispute bilaterally. However, in the second nuclear crisis (2002-2005), China started to play a proactive role and acted as a chief mediator and an honest broker for initiating a multilateral dialogue - Six-Party Talks as a method to settle the crisis. / Since China played different roles and used different strategies in these two nuclear crises within 10 years, this thesis aims to investigate this change and explain the reasonsfrom mainly three angles, including the power structure of Northeast Asia, China’s participation in multilateral institutions, and China’s self-identity and views on national interests and security. / In order to strengthen the analysis, this thesis will also investigate the influence of the Four-Party talks, Shanghai Cooperation Organization and September 11 Attack on the initiatives of the Six-Party Talks. Through this research, the author aims to illustrate the dynamics of China’s foreign policy and predict the trend of China’s diplomatic behavior towards different international affairs. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李建忠. / "2012年9月". / "2012 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 257-285). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Li Jianzhong. / Chapter 第一章 --- ：研究目的及方法 --- p.p.1-28 / Chapter 1.1 --- 擬題動機/研究目的 --- p.p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- 研究途徑及框架 --- p.p.11 / Chapter 1.3 --- 研究假設 --- p.p.16 / Chapter 1.4 --- 研究方法 --- p.p.19 / Chapter 1.5 --- p.p.26 / Chapter 第二章 --- ：文獻回顧 --- p.p.29-57 / Chapter 2.1 --- 問題層面 --- p.p.29 / Chapter 2.2 --- 理論層面 --- p.p.37 / Chapter 第三章 --- ：中國的硬權力與軟權力 --- p.p.58-107 / 引言 --- p.p.58 / Chapter 3.1 --- 硬權力 / Chapter 3.11 --- 經濟方面 --- p.p.65 / Chapter 3.12 --- 軍事方面 --- p.p.72 / Chapter 3.13 --- 科技方面 --- p.p.77 / Chapter 3.2 --- 軟權力 --- p.p.81 / Chapter 3.21 --- ：政治價值觀 --- p.p.83 / Chapter 3.22 --- ：外交政策及國際制度 --- p.p.89 / Chapter 3.23 --- 文化 --- p.p.99 / 小結 --- p.p.103 / Chapter 第四章 --- ：中國外交政策的轉型 ── 由雙邊到多邊 --- p.p.108-148 / 引言 --- p.p.108 / Chapter 4.1 --- 中國參與國際組織/制度的數量 --- p.p.109 / Chapter 4.2 --- 中國簽署多邊條約的數量 --- p.p.119 / Chapter 4.3 --- 中國參與國際組織/制度的質量 --- p.p.123 / Chapter 4.31 --- 中國參與國際組織/制度的動機與類型 --- p.p.128 / Chapter 4.32 --- 有否積極參與國際組織/制度的行動 --- p.p.132 / Chapter 4.33 --- 簽署多邊條約的類型 --- p.p.136 / Chapter 4.34 --- 有否創立及建設國際組織/制度 --- p.p.140 / 小結 --- p.p.143 / Chapter 第五章 --- ：中國的身份認同的改變 --- p.p.149-190 / 引言 --- p.p.149 / Chapter 5.1 --- 中國的具體行為 --- p.p.150 / Chapter 5.2 --- 國際社會對中國的看法 --- p.p.160 / Chapter 5.3 --- 中國自身的定位：從發展中國家到負責任大國 --- p.p.166 / Chapter 5.4 --- 觀念的改變 ── 從新安全觀到上海合作組織 --- p.p.174 / Chapter 5.5 --- 對國際核不擴散機制的態度 --- p.p.181 / p.p.186 / Chapter 第六章 --- ：東北亞大國關係框架的轉變與「六方會談」 --- p.p.191-240 / 引言 --- p.p.191 / Chapter 6.1 --- 美國外交政策及與北韓關係的改變 --- p.p.193 / Chapter 6.2 --- 進入新世紀的中美關係 --- p.p.204 / Chapter 6.3 --- 北韓核問題對中國及東北亞各國的挑戰 --- p.p.215 / 小結 --- p.p.234 / Chapter 第七章 --- ：總結 --- p.p.241-256 / Chapter 7.1 --- 研究發現 --- p.p.241 / Chapter 7.2 --- 研究貢獻 --- p.p.249 / Chapter 7.3 --- 研究局限及展望 --- p.p.255 / 參考文獻 --- p.p.257-285

In 1990's, the North Korean leaders opened the military nuclear program in order to avoid the collapsing trend which affected many totalitarian regimes at that time. Thanks to the specific geographical position, Inter-Korean dispute became a very important issue of foreign policy of many great powers such as United States of America, People's Republic of China, Japan, or Russian Federation. This nuclear program is generally considered as a tool of threatening in order to maintain the regime and secure the food and energy assistance. In this thesis, the North Korean threatening policy is applied to various concepts dealing with the deterrence theory introduced by many authors.

Thesis (M.A. (International Relations))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, 2016 / The Six Party Talks is a multilateral forum created to facilitate the DPRK’s (the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or North Korea) denuclearisation, between 2003 and 2007. This paper will look at how the character of the relationship that North Korea had with other states allowed the North to manipulate the Talks in such a way that it managed to continue with its nuclear weapons programme. The content of these Talks makes them unique and shows how power perception (heightened in negotiations that involve a focus on deterrence, state survival and regional stability) dictates outcomes. The intent of the study is to explore how ‘power’ can be manipulated because it has to be mediated by perception. In essence, ‘perception’ creates a space for North Korea to manipulate the ‘reality’ within which all the states involved function. This study aims to show that it can build on currently existing assumptions that relate to negotiation and power, specifically Zartman’s explanation of power as a perceived relation. The paper argues that within the context of denuclearisation, the understanding of power perception needs to be qualified. It explores whether, in the context of the Six Party Talks in particular, ‘power’ can be analysed with a purely realist paradigm. Constructed meanings for resources that seem to exist purely within an objective reality (for realists) can alter the value of these resources. The argument therefore builds onto the realist foundation of Zartman’s approach to the analysis of negotiations, by showing how a state like North Korea can change the value of an objective reality by creating certain meanings for the elements that comprise this reality. It is interested in building on certain assumptions made by realists (including Hans Morgenthau (1993)), as well as certain assumptions concerning a structural approach to the analysis of negotiations (Zartman 2008: 100); in order to provide a more nuanced perspective regarding North Korea’s behaviour during the Six Party Talks, in relation to its interactions towards the other parties in the Talks (specifically the US, China and South Korea), as well as their reactions to the North’s provocations. To create this nuance, it uses constructivist elements to show how North Korea, during the time in which the Six Party Talks took place, manipulated reality to such an extent that it dictated the options that the other states had in relation to the DPRK’s nuclear weapons programme. / MT2017

"Vor dem Gipfeltreffen in Moskau hatten die Präsidenten Russlands und der USA einen Neustart in den bilateralen Beziehungen und ein Zwischenergebnis bei den Verhandlungen über die Reduzierung der strategischen Offensivwaffen versprochen. Was wurde erreicht und was bleibt zu tun?"

Robust and reliable quantitative proliferation resistance assessment tools are critical to a strengthened nonproliferation regime and to the future deployment of nuclear fuel cycle technologies. Efforts to quantify proliferation resistance have thus far met with limited success due to the inherent subjectivity of the problem and interdependencies between attributes that contribute to proliferation resistance. This work focuses on the diversion of nuclear material by a state and defers other threats such as theft or terrorism to future work. A new approach is presented that assesses the problem through four stages of proliferation: the diversion of nuclear material, the transportation of nuclear material from an internationally safeguarded nuclear facility to an undeclared facility, the transformation of material into a weapons-usable metal, and weapon fabrication. A complete and concise set of intrinsic and extrinsic attributes of the nation, facility and material that could impede proliferation are identified. Quantifiable inputs for each of these attributes are defined. For example, the difficulty of handling the diverted material is captured with inputs like mass and bulk, radiation dose, heating rate and others. Aggregating these measurements into an overall value for proliferation resistance can be done in multiple ways based on well-developed decision theory. A preliminary aggregation scheme is provided along with results obtained from analyzing a small spent fuel reprocessing plant to demonstrate quantification of the attributes and inputs. This quantification effort shows that the majority of the inputs presented are relatively straightforward to work with while a few are not. These few difficult inputs will only be useful in special cases where the analyst has access to privileged, detailed or classified information. The stages, attributes and inputs of proliferation presented in this work provide a foundation for proliferation resistance assessments which may use multiple types of aggregation schemes. The overall results of these assessments are useful in comparing nuclear technologies and aiding decisions about development and deployment of that technology.

Hovedopgave. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

Thesis (Ph. D. in Political Science)--Vanderbilt University, 2003. / Title from PDF title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

Theories of nuclear weapons proliferation cannot fully account for the nuances of certain cases because proliferation is a complex process involving numerous variables, the importance of which can potentially shift across time. This seems especially true when applied to the case of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) where motivations have shifted in relevance numerous times in its proliferation history. In order to investigate this, this thesis reviews extant theories of nuclear proliferation and their ability to explain the case of the DPRK by critically examining its historical nuclear progress and nuclear weapons ambitions across time. The result is that indeed, proliferation theories are ill-equipped to completely account for the DPRK’s nuclear choices. The DPRK has ostensibly been motivated by numerous variables at different times, each having varying degrees of influence, inexplicable for mono-causal and often western and ethno-centric accounts of its proliferation motivations.

In a recent paper Jan Ruzicka and Nicholas J. Wheeler have posited that the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is an example of several ¿trusting relationships¿. The authors assert that ¿since the end of the 1990s the trusting relationships embodied in the NPT have come under strain¿ and that this accounts for the fact that the ¿treaty is facing growing pressures that are eroding what has been an effective barrier to nuclear weapons proliferation¿. This article questions the assumptions underlying this analysis. It argues that the approach taken by Ruzicka and Wheeler fundamentally misconceives the dynamics of nuclear non-proliferation. The policy implications generated by this approach are impractical and downright dangerous as they fail to address the causes of proliferation and instead exacerbate the problem further.