Le but de la thèse est d'apprécier l'efficacité des programmes de reconstruction destinés à assurer le redressement économique de pays sortant de guerre civile depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. Du point de vue de la méthode, cette efficacité est évaluée à la fois par la pertinence du contenu et de l'organisation de ces programmes aux caractéristiques des économies post-conflictuelles, et par une évaluation de leur performance au vu d'indicateurs de redressement spécifiques à ces contextes. Les causes économiques des conflits et le fonctionnement d'une économie de guerre sont analysés dans la mesure ils conditionnent le passage à une économie de paix (chapitres 1 à 4). Une approche en termes d'économie politique (Stewart, Fitzgerald) recoupant inégalités horizontales et verticales et complétée par celle d'Amartya Sen contribue à rendre compte des spécificités de ce type de contexte que la théorie néoclassique ne permet pas d'appréhender. L'approche en termes de moyens d'existence (Chambers et Conway), de vulnérabilité due au contexte (Collinson) et d'économie institutionnelle donnent un cadre théorique cohérent pour cerner les caractéristiques économiques des sociétés post-conflictuelles (chapitres 5 à 7) et permettent d'identifier des facteurs bloquant ou de ralentissement du processus de redressement économique. L'étude de la configuration des programmes de reconstruction fait apparaître une prolifération d'acteurs aux logiques différentes, peu coordonnés et formant une administration de substitution non alignée dans un État fragile (chapitre 8). Le rapprochement entre programme et caractéristiques observées permet alors de procéder à l'évaluation de l'efficacité des programmes (chapitre 9). L'évaluation quantitative converge vers le constat d'un échec relatif, notamment du fait de leur lenteur (d'où risque de résurgence du conflit). Une modélisation à partir des données disponibles appuie l'identification effectuée de l'importance de certaines variables spécifiques (retour des populations déplacées, institutions, sécurité). L'analyse qualitative des causes de cette inefficacité fait apparaître : - les effets pervers du manque de coordination, analysée ici à la lumière de la théorie des coûts de transaction, de la théorie contingente et de l'analyse marginaliste, notamment sur le marché du travail et les capacités administratives, ce qui permet de mettre à jour le concept de seuil de capacités institutionnelles ; - l'inadaptation dans la conception et la mise en œuvre des programmes aux spécificités observées. Entre la référence mythifiée au Plan Marshall et l'absence d'intervention extérieure qui mènerait à un état de suffocation économique, l'analyse de cette inefficacité relative débouche sur quelques préconisations adaptables selon les contextes. / The effectiveness of reconstruction programs in post-conflict contexts Abstract The thesis aims at assessing the effectiveness of reconstruction programs intended to ensure for the economic recovery of countries emerging from civil war since the end of the Cold War. From the standpoint of the method used, this effectiveness is both evaluated through the relevance of the content and the organization of these programs with regard to the characteristics of the post-conflict economies, and through an assessment of their performances according to recovery indicators which are specific to this context. The economic causes of conflicts and the functioning of a wartime economy are analyzed because they influence the transition to an economy in the context of peace (chapters 1 to 4). An approach in terms of political economy (Stewart, Fitzgerald) comparing both horizontal and vertical inequalities and completed by Amartya Sen's approach contributes to the account of the specific characteristics of this type of context which the neoclassical theory is not enabled to grasp. The approach in terms of sustainable livelihoods (Chambers and Conways), of the vulnerability due to the context and of the institutional economy, provides a coherent theoretical framework in order to identify the economic features of post-conflict societies (chapters 5 to 7) and enables for the identification of the factors which block or slow down the process of economic recovery. The study of the configuration of reconstruction programs reveals the multiplication of actors which have different approaches, a lack of coordination in their work, and the formation of a substitute administration non-aligned to the fragile state (chapter 8). Closer ties between the programs and the observed characteristics enable for the evaluation of their effectiveness (chapter 9). The quantitative evaluation arrives at the conclusion that these programs are relative failures, especially due to their sluggishness. From the data available, the significance of some specific variables is observed (the return of populations, institutions, security). The qualitative analysis of the causes of this ineffectiveness reveals: Perverse effects due to the lack of coordination, analyzed through the transaction costs theory, the contingence theory, and the marginalist theory, more particularly in the labor markets, the administrative capacity, reveals a threshold of institutional capacities; Poor adaptation in the design and the implementation of the programs to the observed characteristics. Between the references towards the Marshall Plan and the absence of any exterior intervention, the analysis of this ineffectiveness concludes that some requirements should be adapted for each context.

High-value, lootable natural resources drive, finance and sustain armed conflicts around the world. At the same time, these resources are crucial for livelihoods through artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) in the very same contexts. Yet, little is known regarding how these resources should be managed in the wake of conflict to contribute to peacebuilding and prevent conflict recurrence. Drawing on the environmental peacebuilding and informal economies literature, this study argues that ASM formalization improves the quality and sustainability of livelihoods by empowering ASM communities. Using the method of structured focused comparison, the hypothesis is tested on two mining municipalities in Antioquia, Colombia. Data was gathered through interviews and secondary sources. The main finding is that while ASM formalization under certain conditions can contributeto sustainable livelihoods, this is only partly through community empowerment. Furthermore, the practice remains inaccessible to most artisanal and small-scale miners and can make them dependent on the goodwill of large-scale multinational mining companies. Thereby it ends up marginalizing many of the people it is meant to benefit.

This thesis explores the roles of women of faith in peacebuilding in the conflict between the Gusii and Maasai of South-western Kenya. While religion has at times legitimated women’s exclusion and predominantly created male religious elite figures in peacebuilding, I demonstrate how women of faith deploy religious resources for peace. Acting within complex unequal gendered socio-cultural conditions and positions, the women of faith deploy religious faith as an identity, motivation, and legitimating moral authority and voice in peacebuilding. Gendered barriers hinder them from finding status and a place in formal peacebuilding mechanisms alongside males, but still the women of faith struggle and develop an attitude and disposition of moral influence, and faith power that facilitates them to act as agents in peacebuilding. The women of faith deploy religious resources in mourning and burial rituals of healing and reconciliation, in everyday spiritual practices of sharing lives, and through services that provide security and protection especially for children, the elderly, the injured and the infirm. Religion enables women to establish protective infrastructure through women of faith networks and organizations that provide services to the community, mobilize human capital, and conduct outreach and community engagement. I show that even as the women of faith deploy these religious resources for peacebuilding, they recognize the gendered barriers they are faced with and the public peacebuilding mechanisms that they are excluded from. Deployment of religious resources for peacebuilding intersects with gender identities and relations, and in some instances religious faith transcends established gender norms and gendered barriers or even removes them.

The main purpose of this research was to understand the civil war in Sierra Leone and its antecedents, and to analyse the package of reconstruction reforms which came along in the post-war era and their relevance for and impact on the local challenges for longer term peace. Continued corruption among the political class, the persistent disenfranchisement of important social groups, and emerging tensions along political party lines suggested that, ten years on from the Lomé Peace Accord, there may have been a malaise in the peacebuilding plan. To investigate the complex issues, and to support the hypothesis that the model for reconstruction was not best suited to local conditions and local priorities, the work first made a deep interrogation of the historic political, cultural and economic factors which led to the violent conflict. This scrutiny of the local experience allowed the conceptualisation of a germane 'framework for peace' which represented the most pressing priorities of the local community and the central challenges for peace. The framework reflected the main concerns of the local populace and was used as an analytical tool to better understand the relevance of the model for reconstruction vis-à-vis the local context. Through a critical analysis of the post-war reforms and their impact on the social dimensions of recovery, in particular macro-economic reforms and the promotion of democracy, conclusions were drawn about the appropriateness and efficacy of the model of reconstruction experienced in Sierra Leone and how it supported local priorities for peace. The enquiry found that, in general, the model for reconstruction was not best suited to the local context because of its inflexibility to support the local peacebuilding and its many challenges. In some ways the model for reconstruction heightened residual tensions from the conflict because it failed to address key issues for reform such as governance and social justice.

The purpose of this research project is to examine the role of conflict resolution in training programmes for military peacekeepers. It offers a significant contribution to the conflict resolution literature by providing contemporary analysis of where further manifestations exist of the links between military peacekeeping and the academic study of conflict resolution. The thesis firstly provides a thorough analysis of where conflict resolution scholars have sought to critique and influence peacekeeping. This is mirrored by a survey of policy stemming from the United Nations (UN) in the period 1999-2010. The thesis then undertakes a survey of the role of civil-military cooperation: an area where there is obvious crossover between military peacekeeping and conflict resolution terminology. This is achieved firstly through an analysis of practitioner reports and academic research into the subject area, and secondly through a fieldwork analysis of training programmes at the UN Training School Ireland, and Royal Military Training Academy 4 Sandhurst (RMAS). The thesis goes on to provide a comprehensive examination of the role of negotiation for military peacekeepers. This examination incorporates a historical overview of negotiation in the British Army, a sampling of peacekeeping literature, and finally fieldwork observations of negotiation at RMAS. The thesis discusses how this has impacted significantly on conceptions of military peacekeepers from both the military and conflict resolution fields. The thesis adds considerably to contemporary debates over cosmopolitan forms of conflict resolution. Firstly it outlines where cosmopolitan ethics are entering into military training programmes, and how the emergence of institutionalised approaches in the UN to 'human security' and peacebuilding facilitate this. Secondly, the thesis uses Woodhouse and Ramsbotham's framework to link the emergence of cosmopolitan values in training programmes to wider structural changes at a global level.

No description available.

This thesis takes a gender-sensitive approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and asks whether and how Palestinian women’s different formal and informal political activism in ‘peacebuilding’ and ‘resistance’ can make a contribution to positive sustainable social and political change. Taking a bottom-up qualitative approach to conflict research, and deriving data mainly from in-depth interviews, participant observation and textual analyses, I problematise mainstream international conflict resolution and gender development approaches, revealing their mismatch with the Palestinian reality of prolonged occupation and settler colonialism on the ground. I critique in particular two aspects of mainstream gender and conflict approaches: Firstly, the essentialist feminist assertion that women are better ‘peacemakers’ than men due to their (alleged) more peaceful nature, and, secondly, the ‘liberal’ peace argument that dialogue is the best (and only) way to resolve conflict. These two claims are hardly applicable to the Palestinian context, and their implementation through policy programmes can even block genuine political and social change. Through their tendency to trace the roots of conflict in social gender relations and at the level of identity, they tend to give a distorted depoliticised picture of the conflict. Doing so, they risk alienating local constituencies and might even exacerbate social and political fragmentation. My analysis counters such (mostly western-originated) mainstream gender and conflict initiatives by starting from the local. Proposing a contextualised gender-sensitive approach to conflict transformation, which pays attention to intra-party dynamics such as ‘indigenous’ gender constructions and the political culture of resistance, I trace those forms of female political agency that are able to gain societal support and are conducive to sustainable social and political change. Bridging theoretical insights from the fields of conflict resolution and gender theory and questioning some of their widely held assumptions, I hope to contribute to knowledge in both fields.

ABSTRACT The use of the arts as a tool for conflict transformation, or what has been called arts based peacebuilding, is a new and emerging field. Yet, there is sparse empirical evidence on its outcomes. The Nile Project, a musical collaborative from East Africa that brings together musicians from all of the countries that border the Nile River, is aimed at finding a solution to the dire water conflict and crisis in the region. This study aims to explore how their collaborative process of creating and performing music despite their linguistic, cultural, musical, and political differences, can illuminate how music can be used to address conflict. Using a combination of collaborative qualitative and arts-informed research methodologies, original members of the collective as well as the co-founder were interviewed. Observations were also done of the musicians' rehearsals, performances, and classroom visits at a New England University and during a musical residency in Aswan, Egypt. Findings suggest that an outcome of the Nile Project's work is the development of relationships, deeper learning, particularly about other Africans, and that the process of making music with those from diverse musical traditions can act as a way to practice peacebuilding skills: creating unity, while honoring diversity. This study seeks to add to a limited amount of research documenting the arts in peacebuilding suggesting that music might be an effective tool for transforming conflict.

This research develops a new concept for people-to-people contacts, formulates a theoretical model to assess the impact of people-to-people contacts on peacebuilding, and draws theoretical modifications and explanations in the model on the basis of its empirical application on India-Pakistan conflict and Northern Ireland conflict. The new concept of interactive people-to-people contacts (IPPC) is developed and it is differentiated from the similar concepts in peace theory. Then ontological and epistemological foundations of IPPC are determined and the roots of IPPC in peace and conflict theories are traced. To empirically assess the role played by IPPC in building peace, the web approach model is developed from Lederach’s “pyramid” of peacebuilding as formulated in Building Peace (1997) and later improved in The Moral Imagination (2005). The web approach model is applied on Northern Ireland conflict to empirically test the web approach model and make improvements in the model learning from the practice of IPPC in Northern Ireland conflcit. Then web approach model is applied on two selected case studies of PIPFPD and Aman ki Asha to empirically asses the role played by IPPC in building peace between India and Pakistan. The web approach model is used to determine the stage/frame of the web process where IPPC based peacebuilding have reached so far in India-Pakistan conflict. Moreover, theoretical modifications in web approach model are drawn learning from the selected case studies and an attempt is made to find out a way forward for IPPC based peacebuilding in India-Pakistan conflict.

This study considers the role war victims empowerment has on peacebuilding. Even though the relation between empowerment and peacebuilding is well examined, the importance of involving war victims in the peacebuilding process has been given less attention. Through a qualitative case study on the NGO GWED-G’s interventions for young war victims in Gulu, Amuru, and Nwoya districts in Uganda, this study contributes to the discussion on the importance of empowering young war victims for improved peacebuilding efforts. The findings and analysis are based on two analytical frameworks, empowerment theory and the four dimensions of peacebuilding, as well as previous realized linkage between the two. Through these frameworks, it is clear that the empirical data collected in this study regarding the empowerment of young war victims are strongly correlated to the four dimensions of peacebuilding. When carrying out the research, it was also discovered that this linkage goes well beyond what previous research have stated. This study additionally discovered that the empowerment of young war victims has contributed to peacebuilding by impacting whole communities as well. By empowering these war victims, GWED-G has generated a ripple effect, the impact extended to families and entire communities of the empowered war victims and thereby more effectively contributed to peacebuilding.