Dans un contexte de croissance effrénée de la demande mondiale d'énergie et de pression environnementale pour lutter contre le réchauffement climatique, cette thèse étudie une des technologies envisagées pour réduire les émissions de dioxyde de carbone (CO2) : la capture et le stockage géologique du carbone (CSC). Nous étudions principalement l’application de cette technologie à la production des bioénergies (BCSC) car ce procédé permet d’épurer l’atmosphère tout en fournissant un substitut énergétique non polluant aux énergies fossiles. La première partie de ce travail analyse le potentiel économique et environnemental de la technologie de BCSC. Tout d'abord, une évaluation économique et environnementale de la BCSC dans le secteur de la production de bioéthanol en France est conduite.Ensuite, grâce à un modèle bottom-up d’optimisation TIAM-FR, nous étudions le potentiel global et régional de cette technologie dans le secteur de l'électricité. Enfin, les incitations économiques à mettre en place pour assurer son développement sont mises en évidences. Dans la deuxième partie, un modèle d'équilibre général calculable est utilisé pour évaluer les politiques environnementales. Nous construisons le modèle théorique en introduisant les technologies de CSC et de BCSC ainsi qu’une large variété d’instruments économiques. Le modèle est ensuite calibré pour comparer l’efficacité économique des instruments de politique environnementale à un niveau mondial et à un niveau français. / In a context of unbridled growth of global energy demand and environmental pressure in the fight againstglobal warming, this thesis studies one of the proposed technologies to reduce carbon dioxide (CO2)emissions: carbon capture and geological storage (CCS). We therefore consider the application of thistechnology to the production of bioenergies (BCCS) because this technology allows purifying theatmosphere while providing a clean energy alternative to fossil fuels. The first part of this work analyzesthe economic and environmental potential of BCCS. First, an economic and environmental assessment ofBCCS in the bioethanol production in France is conducted. Then, using the bottom-up optimization modelTIAM-FR, we study the global and regional potential of this technology in the electricity sector. Finally,the economic incentives that need to be provided to ensure BCCS deployment are highlighted. In thesecond part, a general equilibrium model is used to evaluate environmental policies. We construct thetheoretical model by introducing the CCS and BCCS as well as a wide range of economic instruments.The model is then calibrated to compare the effectiveness of environmental policy instruments at a globallevel and at a French level.

This thesis presents three empirical analyses in the economics of Higher Education within the United Kingdom. The first analysis evaluates the impact of student funding reforms on participation and course choice, through the use of a difference-in-differences strategy with heterogeneous treatment effects. The results show that students who received the largest increase in study costs were less likely to move further away and also more likely to study a subject with lower graduate wage premia due to the significant reduction in the risk of investing in higher education. Students who received the largest increase in up-front financial support were more likely to attend a university further away. The second question addresses whether undergraduate subject choice is affected by changes in the expected benefits and opportunity costs of investing in HE through variation in the labour market. Students who reside in areas of high unemployment are found to be less likely to choose subjects with the largest graduate wage and employment premia. This suggests that students may be afraid of failure in challenging labour markets and instead choose to study subjects with a greater chance of success. However, lower socioeconomic status students are more likely to study subjects with the highest graduate wage and employment premia. This suggests that the students who may be the most aware of the costs, are also the most aware of the benefits. Finally, the third analysis investigates whether students who are socioeconomically disadvantaged incur a further penalty in terms of degree attainment. The results show that the most disadvantaged students outperform their advantaged counterparts. This may be due to pre-university attainment being an imperfect measure of ability in the most disadvantaged students, or that students who have had to overcome the most challenges to attend university are better-equipped and more determined to succeed.

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-07-21T18:30:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FranciscoPereiraFilho.pdf: 677526 bytes, checksum: 9a90865bac048ff31a5a296498fe5874 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T18:30:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FranciscoPereiraFilho.pdf: 677526 bytes, checksum: 9a90865bac048ff31a5a296498fe5874 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-26 / The study deals with the political evaluation of the Basic Education Policy articulated to Professional Education, specifically at the Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology of Maranhão (IFMA). It elaborates a historical retrospective of the public policies in relation to the basic education, having as axis guiding the structural duality existing between the formation of propedeutic character directed to the elites and the instrumental education provided to the popular classes. It contextualizes the foundations of omnilateral and polytechnic education, and of the unitary school of Marx and Gramsci. It characterizes the conceptions and principles that determined the formulation of this Policy in IFMA. It is based on a qualitative research that uses bibliographical and documentary research, based on several legal documents (laws, decrees, mainly Decrees nº 2.208/1997 and 5.154/2004) and on institutional documents of the IFMA (pedagogical project, Development plan, regiments, etc.). According to the data analyzed, the articulation between the High School and Professional Education in the IFMA presents limitations in its execution, mainly in relation to teacher training, lack of laboratories and contingency of resources. It complements that even with the limitation of these inputs, the IFMA through its guidelines needs to invest heavily in the qualification of the teaching staff for the pedagogical practice, based on the polytechnics and omnilaterality aiming at the training of its students. / O estudo aborda sobre a avaliação política da Política de Educação Básica articulada à Educação Profissional, especificamente no Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia do Maranhão (IFMA). Elabora uma retrospectiva histórica das políticas públicas em relação à educação básica, tendo como eixo orientador a dualidade estrutural existente entre a formação de caráter propedêutico dirigida às elites e a educação instrumental proporcionada às classes populares. Contextualiza os fundamentos da educação omnilateral e politécnica, e da escola unitária de Marx e Gramsci. Caracteriza as concepções e princípios que determinaram a formulação dessa Política no IFMA. Fundamenta-se como uma pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa que utiliza a pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, baseando-se em diversos documentos legais (leis, decretos, principalmente os Decretos nº 2.208/1997 e 5.154/2004) e em documentos institucionais do IFMA (projeto pedagógico, plano de desenvolvimento, regimentos, etc.). Salienta, com os dados analisados, que a articulação entre o Ensino Médio e a Educação Profissional no IFMA apresenta limitações na sua execução, principalmente em relação à formação dos professores, falta de laboratórios e contingenciamento de recursos. Complementa que mesmo com a limitação destes insumos, o IFMA através de suas diretrizes, precisa investir fortemente na qualificação do corpo docente para a prática pedagógica, baseada na politecnia e na omnilateralidade almejando a formação cidadã dos seus discentes.

This thesis aims to unpack the impact the legalization of street vending and the subsequent regulation had on sidewalk vendors. Although legalization occurred state-wide through Senate Bill 946 in September of 2017, the rules and regulations for vending were passed at a city-level, and I am focusing on the City of Los Angeles specifically. Through interviews with government officials, non-profit partners and advocates, and vendors from different parts of the City, I analyze information around the policy itself, its history, and the impact it has and is expected to have on vendors and their businesses. While vendors have been central to advocacy and the policy process, the creation of a permitting system in the City of Los Angeles has been less transparent. By interviewing stakeholders, relying on existing economic, political, and sociological literature, and gathering opinions from vendors themselves, I develop various policy recommendations to further empower vendors and integrate them into Los Angeles’ formal economy. I recommend a permitting model that is backward-mapped and stems from the needs of and feedback from vendors in order for it to be more aligned with the goals and needs of vendors themselves.

自民國八十七年起，我國政府所實施的「公務人員每月二次週休二日制」是「週休二日制」完全施行之前的漸進過渡階段。為符合我國國情之需要，此一政策經由徐圖漸進的政策過程，配合社會生活型態的變遷，以儘可能減少對於人民生活的衝擊。然而在週休二日制政策的研議時期、決策過程、漸進實施階段，及未來可能的政策方向上，仍然具有許多可供商議之處，作為一個影響社會生活型態與國家經濟發展甚鉅的制度變遷過程，其中的一步一履必須謹慎而行。 本研究試圖評估公務人員每月二次週休二日制在實施一年之後對政府機關運作的影響，希望透過此一主題的研究，瞭解該制在開始執行的第一年成效如何。針對不同性質的部門，如配合實施每月二次週休二日制之機關、因業務性質特殊仍依規定維持全年無休之機關、以及與民眾關係密切而採五天半或六天服務之機關，經由多元指標的運用，深入瞭解並評估其所受到制度變遷之衝擊，進而探究其適應新制度成敗之原因，以評估每月二次週休二日制為我國公部門之行政運作所帶來的效益何在。 為同時考量本研究之定位與研究者能力所及之範圍，本研究採行「個案研究法」，以評估政府機關在民國八十七年所實施的每月二次週休二日制對其行政運作之影響。因此本研究就近選擇研究對象，集中於「台北市」選取作為研究對象的若干個案，抽樣的方式是依據不同地區的各類型機關以兼顧地域人口分佈上的差異性。所選擇之個案計有台北市政府人事處、仁愛醫院、信義區衛生所、大安區公所、士林區公所、台北監理所、萬華第二戶政事務所、內湖戶政事務所、北投戶政事務所等九個。 於本研究中，社會大眾在資訊不足及社會成本均攤的認知情境下，對於公部門資源的索取遠大於其所能適當使用的數量，民眾仍處於短視近利的心態，未曾顧慮到行政資源因其苛求而揮霍無度的狀態。在民眾、公務人員及高層決策官僚的三角關係□，民眾看似因恣行民意而身受榮寵，實則虧負正當使用社會資源的義務，同時成為潛在的受害者與加害者。 決策官僚於其中仍不得不肩負部分的責任。儘管受限於政治生態及民意高漲的社會現況中，廢革前任市長所留下的諸多施政措施(諸如各項加強為民服務政策)極有可能遭外界解讀為政黨輪替後的政策傾軋，但是，妥協於民意往往必須以犧牲專業知識及整體社會利益為代價，最後更將因與之妥協而適足以害之。決策者當務之急應是與民眾進行溝通，使民眾進一步瞭解現況之下的利弊得失，進而爭取民意對於政策改革的支持。人民的眼睛能否雪亮以洞察世理，為政者的坦誠以對具有舉足輕重的價值。 公務人員在此三角關係中處於相對弱勢的地位，既無決定政策走向的權力，也無法有效反應其深刻的感觸與體驗，然而，對於政府機關週休二日的實務現況之瞭解卻也無人能出其右。易言之，公務人員眼見行政資源濫用，人力於雙週週六遭受閒置，於單週週六卻有不足，工作量的不平均與工作時間的紊亂徒增公務人員的工作壓力，甚而抹煞了當初週休二日制良善的政策立意。 制度的更迭遞嬗是為了改善社會現狀而起，在此新制度取代舊制度的過程裡，不時地回顅與檢討將幫助我們踏出更為穩重的下一步。每月二次週休二日制的實施在多方勢力競逐之下拍板定案，正如政府機關延長為民服務所需的人力安排一直是在員工紛亂的工作時間表中倉促成軍。新舊制度交替之際，民眾對於政府機關始終存在著無盡的要求與課責，位居前線服務的公務人員則對於不當政策導致行政資源濫用的情形大肆撻伐，身居高位的決策者卻須在瞭解實情的狀況下與民粹政治妥協。從此一執行評估中可以明白見到週休二日制政策的執行過程中仍有許多可以改善之處，有賴決策高層體察實情後積極整合民眾及基層公務人員的真實需要。 目錄 第一章 緒論 1 第一節 工時制度的國際性變遷 2 第二節 我國實施週休二日制的演變背景 6 第三節 研究問題 16 第四節 研究方法與限制 20 第二章 實施週休二日制的相關經驗 27 第一節 週休二日制的實施方式 28 第二節 週休二日制對經濟發展的影響 32 第三節 週休二日制對教育和生活層面的改變 38 第三章 研究分析架構 42 第一節 文獻檢閱 42 第二節 評估的意義與執行評估的應用 48 第三節 分析架構的設計 52 第四章 週休二日與政府內部管理對策 62 第一節 人事安排的異動 65 第二節 員工請假的情形 80 第三節 員工休閒活動的規劃 88 第四節 週休二日制與內部管理對策的綜合分析 95 第五章 週休二日運作結果分析 99 第一節 台北市政府為民服務政策的運作現況 99 第二節 員工工作滿足感 106 第三節 民眾滿意度 116 第四節 機關生產力的改變 124 第五節 週休二日實施結果的綜合分析 128 第六章 結論 132 第一節 研究成果發現 132 第二節 研究成果對週休二日制的意涵 137 第三節 研究建議 151 參考書目 186 圖表目次 圖3-1 研究面向其間相關圖 55 表1-1 六縣市實施週休二日制經歷 9 表1-2 研究個案表 24 表2-1 各國公私部門實施週休二日制先後之比較 28 表2-2 各國法定工時及週休制度之比較 31 表2-3 多放假一天對總體經濟產值的影響 34 表2-4 日本實施週休二日制推動過程 34 表2-5 我國歷年三十人以上企業週休制之變動 35 表2-6 日本歷年三十人以上企業實施週休制之比例 36 表2-7 民間企業規模別週休制之比較 36 表3-1 我國報紙對於週休二日制的不同意見 44 表4-1 研究問題的操作化指標及資料蒐集方式 62 表4-2 員工問卷回收率 63 表4-3 民眾問卷回收率 64 表4-4 受訪者基本資料 65 表4-5 仁愛醫院單雙週週六辦公情形統計表 67 表4-6 信義區衛生所單雙週週六辦公情形統計表 68 表4-7 台北市各區戶政事務所單雙週週六辦公情形統計表 69 表4-8 台北市各區戶政事務所週六各項戶籍案件登記統計表(88.7-12) 69 表4-9 台北市各區戶政事務所週六各項戶籍案件登記統計表(88.1-3) 70 表4-10 台北市各區公所單雙週週六辦公情形統計表 70 表4-11 全體受訪員工對人事安排改變的意見 71 表4-12 人事處員工對於人事安排改變的意見 72 表4-13 仁愛醫院員工對於人事安排改變的意見 73 表4-14 信義區衛生所員工對於人事安排改變的意見 73 表4-15 台北監理所員工對於人事安排改變的意見 74 表4-16 大安區公所員工對於人事安排改變的意見 74 表4-17 士林區公所員工對於人事安排改變的意見 75 表4-18 萬華第二戶政事務所員工對於人事安排改變的意見 75 表4-19 內湖戶政事務所員工對於人事安排改變的意見 76 表4-20 北投戶政事務所員工對於人事安排改變的意見 76 表4-21 受訪員工對於週休二日制的建議 78 表4-22 受訪民眾對於週休二日制的具體建議 78 表4-23 員工請假的改變情形 81 表4-24 台北市政府人事處員工請假的改變情形 83 表4-25 仁愛醫院員工請假的改變情形 83 表4-26 信義區衛生所員工請假的改變情形 84 表4-27 台北監理所員工請假的改變情形 84 表4-28 大安區公所員工請假的改變情形 85 表4-29 士林區公所員工請假的改變情形 85 表4-30 萬華第二戶政事務所員工請假的改變情形 86 表4-31 內湖戶政事務所員工請假的改變情形 86 表4-32 北投戶政事務所員工請假的改變情形 87 表4-33 員工休閒活動的安排情形 88 表4-34 台北市政府人事處員工休閒活動的安排情形 91 表4-35 仁愛醫院員工休閒活動的安排情形 92 表4-36 信義區衛生所員工休閒活動的安排情形 92 表4-37 台北監理所員工休閒活動的安排情形 92 表4-38 大安區公所員工休閒活動的安排情形 93 表4-39 士林區公所員工休閒活動的安排情形 93 表4-40 萬華第二戶政事務所員工休閒活動的安排情形 94 表4-41 內湖戶政事務所員工休閒活動的安排情形 94 表4-42 北投戶政事務所員工休閒活動的安排情形 94 表5-1 台北市大安區公所單雙週週六辦公情形統計表 100 表5-2 台北市士林區公所單雙週週六辦公情形統計表 101 表5-3 工作滿足感的改變情形 107 表5-4 台北市政府人事處工作滿足感的改變情形 110 表5-5 仁愛醫院工作滿足感的改變情形 110 表5-6 信義區衛生所工作滿足感的改變情形 111 表5-7 台北監理所工作滿足感的改變情形 111 表5-8 大安區公所工作滿足感的改變情形 112 表5-9 士林區公所工作滿足感的改變情形 112 表5-10 萬華第二戶政事務所工作滿足感的改變情形 113 表5-11 內湖戶政事務所工作滿足感的改變情形 113 表5-12 北投戶政事務所工作滿足感的改變情形 114 表5-13 受訪員工對於全面實施週休二日制的意見統計 114 表5-14 民眾對週六上班的瞭解程度 117 表5-15 民眾對週休二日後機關服務的評價 117 表5-16 民眾對週休二日後機關服務品質的評價 118 表5-17 民眾對週休二日後人員服務態度的評價 118 表5-18 民眾於週休二日洽公狀況 119 表5-19 民眾對週六服務品質的評價 120 表5-20 民眾對機關洽公便利性的評價 120 表5-21 民眾對洽公時間的評價 121 表5-22 民眾對全面實施週休二日後洽公時間的意見 122 表5-23 民眾對全面實施週休二日的意見 122 表5-24 民眾對何時全面實施週休二日的意見 123 表5-25 機關生產力的改變情形 124 表5-26 台北市政府人事處機關生產力的改變情形 125 表5-27 仁愛醫院機關生產力的改變情形 125 表5-28 信義區衛生所機關生產力的改變情形 125 表5-29 台北監理所機關生產力的改變情形 126 表5-30 大安區公所機關生產力的改變情形 126 表5-31 士林區公所機關生產力的改變情形 126 表5-32 萬華第二戶政事務所機關生產力的改變情形 127 表5-33 內湖戶政事務所機關生產力的改變情形 127 表5-34 北投戶政事務所機關生產力的改變情形 127 表6-1 各國政府機關放假日數之比較 147 附錄目次 附錄一 民眾問卷 159 附錄二 員工問卷 161 附錄三 訪談記要 163

This dissertation examines the role of public investments in inducing small firms to develop risky, early-stage technologies. It contributes to expanding our understanding of the consequences of research, innovation, and entrepreneurship policies and programs by investigating in more depth the effect of the Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) program on the innovation effort, ability to attract external capital, and other metrics of post-entry performance of small business start-ups using a new sample and estimation approach. Unlike prior R&D subsidy studies that concentrated almost exclusively on European countries, this dissertation focused on small business start-ups in the United States using a new scientific survey of new firms. It integrated the Kauffman Firm Survey (KFS) from the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation with the SBIR recipient dataset from the U.S. Small Business Administration (SBA) and used advances in statistical matching to achieve better comparability between the treated and control groups of small business start-ups. The integrated KFS-SBA dataset, which contains both recipient and non-recipient small firms, and statistical matching allowed us to empirically construct the counterfactual outcomes of SBIR recipients. This dissertation balanced the pre-treatment characteristics of SBIR recipients and non-recipients through propensity score matching (PSM). It constructed the comparison sample by identifying non-recipients with nearly identical propensity scores as those of SBIR recipients. Consistent with the propensity score theorem, observations with the same distribution of propensity scores have the same distribution of observable characteristics. PSM made the comparison and treatment samples homogenous except in SBIR program exposure, making the fundamental assumption of ignorability of treatment assignment more plausible. Using the realized outcomes of observationally similar non-recipient start-ups as the counterfactual outcomes of SBIR recipients, we found empirical evidence of the input additionality effect of the SBIR program. Had they not applied for and granted SBIR R&D subsidies, recipient start-ups would have spent only $185,000 in R&D, but with SBIR their R&D effort was significantly increased to $663,000, on average. The treatment effects analyses also found a significant positive effect of SBIR on innovation propensity and employment. However, it appears that public co-financing of commercial R&D has crowded-out privately financed R&D of small business start-ups in the United States. A dollar of SBIR subsidy decreased firm-financed R&D by about $0.16. Contrary to prior SBIR studies, we did not find any significant "halo effect" or "certification effect" of receiving an SBIR award on attracting external capital. However, we discovered a different certification effect of the SBIR program: SBIR grantees are more likely to attract external patents. This finding also confirms that innovation requires a portfolio of internal and external knowledge assets as theorized by David Teece and his colleagues. This dissertation's empirical results may be relevant to the Small Business Administration, SBIR participating agencies, the U.S. Congress, other federal, state and local policymakers, small high-tech start-ups, and scholars in the field of science, technology, and innovation policy.

This dissertation examines the role of public investments in inducing small firms to develop risky, early-stage technologies. It contributes to expanding our understanding of the consequences of research, innovation, and entrepreneurship policies and programs by investigating in more depth the effect of the Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) program on the innovation effort, ability to attract external capital, and other metrics of post-entry performance of small business start-ups using a new sample and estimation approach. This study integrated the Kauffman Firm Survey from the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation with the SBIR recipient dataset from the U.S. Small Business Administration and used advances in the micro-econometrics of program evaluation to empirically construct the counterfactual outcomes of SBIR recipients. We found empirical evidence of the input additionality effect of the SBIR program. The treatment effects analyses also found a significant positive effect of SBIR on innovation propensity and employment. However, it appears that public co-financing of commercial R&D has crowded-out privately financed R&D of small business start-ups in the United States. A dollar of SBIR subsidy decreased firm-financed R&D by about $0.16. Contrary to prior SBIR studies, we did not find any significant “halo effect” or “certification effect” of receiving an SBIR award on attracting external capital. What we discovered is a different certification effect of the SBIR program: SBIR grantees are more likely to attract external patents. This finding confirms that innovation requires a portfolio of internal and external knowledge assets as theorized by David Teece and his colleagues.

台灣年齡結構快速老化及子女供養的比例降低，政府對於老人經濟安全的保障逐漸成為重要的議題。然國民年金的推動卻一波三折，而敬老津貼政策成為了目前非軍公教族群老年經濟安全保障的制度，本研究欲從政策利害相關人回應性的角度去評估敬老津貼政策。 　　而本研究的研究焦點，為民國九十一年中央政府所開始發放的全國性的「敬老津貼」，並以領取敬老津貼人數最多的台北縣作為實證研究的範圍，利用了Dunn & Poister所提出的效能性、「效率性」、「公平性」、「適當性」、「回應性」及「充分性」六種政策評估指標去評估敬老津貼政策的現況，並透過對利害關係人深度訪談的分析，匯整及建構出敬老津貼政策評估指標下利害關係人的相關主張、關切與議題。 　　研究發現現行敬老津貼政策之利害關係人的議題產生多集中在公平性指標下，而且利害關係人對於敬老津貼增加金額的需求性主張及滿意度，深受國內其他老人津貼制度的影響。因此政府須重新評估一律排除公務體系退休者領取津貼、排富絛款設立及以職業為劃分的老人津貼政策的適當性；同時須注意國內及地方縣市的福利差異甚大的現象，才能符合照顧國民之公平性。其次，對於老人津貼制度金額不一的公平性爭議，應趕緊實行國民年金加以整合。另外則是雖然領取敬老津貼者對於申領敬老津貼的程序過程的便利性具有共識，然未接到敬老津貼申領津貼通知的老人，很有可能會影響老人請領津貼的時間點。而對於中低收入老人生活津貼的計算方式應考慮放寬未有奉養事實的子女資產部分，以及除了發放津貼的方式，也可規劃增加老人收入的老人福利選項。另外，領取敬老津貼者受訪者普遍對敬老津貼金額為中等的滿意度，而敬老津貼對於解決月可使用生活費9000元以下的老人經濟問題的效能性和充分性較高。 / The acceleration of population aging and diminishing financial support from offspring to senior citizens necessitate the establishment of a senior citizen’s social security system. Faced with the difficulties in implementing the citizen annuity, the government came up with an alternative plan in 2002: the Senior Citizens Welfare Living Allowance. This study shall take Taipei County, currently the administrative region with the largest number of Senior Citizens Welfare Living Allowance recipients in Taiwan, as an example. The six policy evaluation indicators suggested by Dunn& Poister, i.e. effectiveness, efficiency, equality, appropriateness, responsiveness, and adequacy are used to evaluate the current state of the Senior Citizens Welfare Living Allowance policy. The claims, concerns, and issues of the stakeholders of the Senior Citizens Welfare Living Allowance policy are concluded after holding in-depth interviews with the stakeholders. Research results found that stakeholders of the issues are mostly concerned about the equality of the policy. Demands of and satisfaction with the policy is determined by similar senior citizens’ allowance systems. Appropriateness regarding the distribution of allowances to participants of the public servant pension system is also of concern to the stakeholders. Inequality in the varying amount of the allowances between administrative regions is an issue, among many others, that can be addressed by the implementation of a citizen annuity system. In general stakeholders are moderately satisfied with the incumbent Senior Citizens Welfare Living Allowance policy. The policy is more effective and adequate for those with a monthly income of less than NTD$9,000.

從歷史淵源而言，「東突厥斯坦」乙詞緣於19世紀沙俄試圖從地理名稱、宗教信仰與民族識別等深層的滲透方式，藉由「泛突厥主義」與「泛伊斯蘭主義」拉攏新疆信仰伊斯蘭教的少數民族，以東突的概念，將之納入已遭其併吞的中亞突厥斯坦地區，復以此話語的界定權，取得全世界對於俄國版地理分隔線的認同。復由於國共內戰時期，蘇聯鼓動成立「東突厥斯坦共和國」，毛澤東亦以「三區革命」稱許之，以期掀起遍地革命火種，給予現代新疆少數民族留下以語言及信仰為基礎的革命建國歷史記憶。 從中國的內政視野，政治穩定與否是東突問題載浮載沉的關鍵，清末與民國時期的內憂外患時期自不待言。中共建政之初，對少數民族採取相對溫和的社會主義改造政策，漸次形成了認同的政治文化，然而卻隨著左右傾路線發展遭到破壞；雖然1989年中共實施經濟改革後，新疆少數民族亦從中獲利，但幅度始終跟不上漢族的移入者，以致無論是民族關係、經濟關係乃至政治關係上均惡化為破碎的政治文化，即漢族始終自認是政策利多的給予者，而少數民族則自視為被剝奪者與受害者。1991年蘇聯解體之後，中亞五國獨立對新疆少數民族造成磁吸效應，成為東突議題再起的火種。然自江澤民上台之後，對於東突治理的基調仍採取軍事過硬的鎮壓手段，並未從根本解決少數民族的問題，以致民族融合更加困難，暴力衝突的數量與規模屢創新高。 從區域安全角度，新疆與其隔鄰的中亞自古以來就是伊斯蘭、儒家、斯拉夫與佛教等四大文明邊緣的交會破碎區，少數遊牧民族逐水草而居的生活型態更打破國家之間的界線，伊斯蘭宗教信仰與突厥方言的識別取代了國家認同。以致本地區所謂的認同兼具有脆弱性與包容性。因此，自古以來外在強權對於本地區並不刻意建立有形的實質統治，而是透過優勢文化或軟實力滲透，讓區域內的少數民族對強勢帝權國家產生有形與無形依賴，前者是物質與經濟力量，後者是文化與心理作用。兩相交替，造成被影響國家邊境少數民族出現認同危機。過去是沙俄與前蘇聯藉此覬覦中國的領土，現今則有美國、歐洲乃至日本加入競逐天然資源蘊藏豐富的中亞地區，以各種優厚的條件，取得天然資源開發特許權。 從治理成果評估，新疆少數民族、東突議題與中共政權之間不僅在中國大陸境內出現認同分離現象，並隨著全球資訊化的發展，使得國內問題惡化為國際議題。衝突雙方藉由印象管理、符號黏合等方式，在各自的舞台上展示政治訴求。雖然在以主權國家為主體的國際體系中，東突組織屈居下風；然而受到網際網穿透性、民族宗教關懷，或者，如中共政權所認定之「國際陰謀」作用，使得部分東突組織與成員雖然不足以影響大局，但仍透過相關議題在特定國際社會場域形成動靜觀瞻之國際影響。 / From the historical aspect, Russia mixed the concepts of geography, religion and nation to establish the title of “East-Turkistan” in 19th century, and then attracted the minorities of Xinjiang into her Center Asia provinces by the ideas of Pan-Islam and Pan-Turkism. By the power of discourse, Russia’s new map about the East-Turkistan got the recognitions in the world. In 1944, the eve of Chinese Civil War, Soviet Union supported the Xinjiang minorities to establish the “Republic of East-Turkistan”. Mao Zedong praised it “Three Regions Revolution” to combine the spirit of revolution in the China Mainland. All these give the modern Xinjiang minorities fresh founding memory till now. Tracing the development of Chinese internal affairs, there are significant relations between the issues of East-Turkistan and domestic political stable. It goes without saying the worse situation during the late Qing dynasty and the early Republic of China (ROC). In the beginning of People’s Republic of China (PRC) regime, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) taking the warm socialism reform policies, got the Xinjiang minorities’ identity and formed the unify political culture, which been broken by following political conflicts in a short time. In 1978, the CCP promoted the economic reform policies, the Xinjiang minorities got some profit from it, but the earnings could not compare with the Han immigrations. All of those led the ethnic, economic and political relations becoming a cracked political culture. In other words, the Han thought themselves as givers of the profit, but the Xinjiang minorities felt been exploited. The independent tide of the five former Central Asia Republics after dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 produced the magnetic effect to Xinjiang minorities and stimulated the revival of East-Turkistan issues. Since Jiang Zemin, the Secretary General of CCP still compressed the problem by military means in 1992; the ethnic integration in Xinjiang becomes more difficult. The number of violence accidents hits higher and higher level. According to the regional security, Xinjiang and Central Asia locate at the crossroad of four civilizations, including Islam, Confucius, Slavs and Buddhism. In addition to the living style of nomads breaking the boundaries in this area, the Islamic belief and Turkic dialect take place the national identity, which are full of the vulnerability and tolerance. The outside superpowers penetrate this area by excellent culture and soft power instead of creating functional institutions, causing the crisis of identity or loyalty. For example, the Russia and Soviet Union invaded the vast land of Xinjiang in the 19th; the US, Europe and Japan rapidly join the great competition of natural resources in Central Asia nowadays. Evaluation the policy of CCP toward East-Turkistan is not easy. This is not only the identity crisis in China, but also transfers into the international field. Both sides take the strategies of impression management and exegetical bonding to show their political appeals. Although the realistic international system is composed by the sovereignty states obstructed the East Turkistan organizations, which still take advantages of internet, ethnic and religious methods to attract some specific concerns. This study found that: First, the proper noun “East Turkistan” does not created by the Uyghur themselves, but by the Russia in the 19th. In addition, The Republic of East Turkistan (1944-1949) organized by many minorities of Xinjiang, not by Uyghur only. Therefore, the Uyghur can’t be referred to the East Turkistan totally. Second, the definition of East Turkistan problem is rebellion or terrorist attack is decided by the Chinese central government. The Republic of China thought it as the Soviet Union agitated the local minorities’ armed rebellion. The CCP took the same viewpoints before 1990s. While, the CCP highlights the terrorism about the East Turkistan’s issues that got few recognition from the US and UN after September 11 attack. Although the change let the CCP wins tiny interest in a short period, the foreign countries use the excuse of human rights and against radical anti-terrorism strategy to intervene the CCP domestic issues. Third, the exile Uyghur does not get the general agreement about resistance movement and the core attitude toward the CCP. Those are the obstacles for the exile Uyghur to form the unify action and power. Forth, the CCP always declares to the world that the Xinjiang Uyghur relates closely with the East Turkistan terrorism organizations. That enrages some Uyghur to take fierce actions against the CCP. Now the most important duty for the CCP is to find a balance between the removals of terrorism label from the Uyghur and increasing the budget for the anti-terrorism mission. Fifth, the appeals of Rebiya Kadeer and the overseas Uyghur groups which she leads do not want to establish an independent state. Instead, she struggles to ask a higher autonomy. The idea is familiar to the Soviet republics, but refused by the CCP.

大學入學考試是近代學生必經的人生歷程，我國當前採取大學多元入學制度，有著多種的入學管道，而在各種入學措施中會因為學生身分上的不同而有不同的優待措施或是加分機制。我國探討大學多元入學的文獻甚多，大多是總體性的研究，較為缺乏個體性的研究，本研究以個人申請入學制度為主，從教育機會均等來分析原住民學生在參與申請入學時的積極優惠措施，也就是在討論原住民外加名額所帶來的問題，並藉由標準Dunn政策評估的標準，指出原住民外加名額的不足之處，最後提出政策建議，供各界參考與討論。 從入學機會均等來分析可以發現，原住民外加名額可以使原住民學生錄取到比未受保障前更好的學校，或是跟一般學生相比較下可以有比較高的錄取機會，造成此現象的主要原因在於：(1)原住民學生自成一個比較的系統，只要能通過第一階段，錄取機會大大提升。(2)原住民學生的競爭對手少。(3)原住民外加名額十分充足。在原住民的族群當中又可以分為都會原住民和原鄉原住民，其中以山地原住民較需要外加名額之保障，但外加名額之保障使得都會原住民較佔優勢而會造成此現象的原因在於：(1)成長背景、教育資源的差異、(2)只要具有原住民血統，就可以受到原住民外加名額之保障。若從Dunn所提出的政策評估標準的六個面向加以分析原住民外加名額在入學機會均等的問題，可以發現原住外加名額具有效率性、回應性與適當性，但實施的結果卻缺乏效能性、充分性、公平性。 從教育過程均等來分析可以發現，原住民學生透過積極優惠措施入學後容易產生學習壓力與心理壓力，且當前各大學也缺乏原住民文化與語言學習的相關課程，原住民學生在大學教育階段缺乏學習原住民文化與語言之機會，產生文化學習上的問題，而教育過程均等講求必須針對學生社經背景、能力、文化之差異，適時的給予積極性的差別待遇，很顯然我國大學該如何給不同的學生不同的教育方式，是未來值得思考之處。若從Dunn所提出的政策評估標準的六個面向加以分析原住民外加名額在教育過程均等問題，可以發現原住外加名額具有適當性，但實施的結果卻缺乏效率性、效能性、充分性、公平性、回應性， 本研究根據上述研究結果有五點政策上之建議，第一，個人申請入學採納原住民文化及語言能力證明；第二，在第二階段審查鼓勵各校系考量原住民學生的背景身分；第三，原住民部分外加名額參考離島外加名額之做法；第四，改善大學校院原住民學生輔導機制；第五，大學設置原住民語言與文化相關課程。 原住民外加名額最主要的問題在於地域之差異，使得原鄉原住民學生和都會原住民學生在入學機會上產生差距，另外再教育過程方面缺乏相關的輔助機制，使得原住民學生在學習上產生困難，也缺乏學習民族文化之機會，藉由制度上之改善，全面性的改善原住民學生在升學以及教育過程之問題，才有辦法達到教育機會均等以及發展、保存原住民民族文化之目標。