Growing inequity and political polarization necessitate organized political action capable of challenging large-scale, globalized power. Political projects around the globe, and certainly in America, that aim to shift power relations have become synonymous with projects of building allies. Others—people of color, queers, and women—have long formed political alliances in order to build movements that contest hegemonic power. Others have formed these alliances (with various allies) along the lines of political ideology. Increasingly, with the growing influence of identity politics overshadowing class politics, identity plays a key role in shaping who takes part in political action. The role of an “ally” has also followed this pattern, allowing non-marginalized subjects to claim a “good ally” identity, despite lived experiences that share struggle with Others. However, ally-ship is a project of life-long work that engages various forms of anti-oppression work and is rooted in a process of what Paulo Freire terms “conscientization.” Using Freire’s concepts, principals of “the ethics of care philosophy,” and qualitative interviews, this research examines why allies are important to liberation projects of marginalized groups, specifically queers. The individuals interviewed for the research each have extensive experience educating others in the process of building allyship. The research analyzes their unique approaches along with other programs centered on the process of ally building to highlight the most successful methods. The research explores the differences in ally-ship with and affirmation of Others; complicates the projects of non-oppressive groups versus anti-oppressive groups; and examines the process of ally building. Based on the data and information gathered from qualitative interviews and literature, a framework is created that outlines the processes necessary in allyship building. The findings of the research illustrate the benefits of allies to Others in the fight for equality and demonstrate how an individual can work towards becoming an ally to these groups. In short, this research illustrates Freire's concepts of education for “critical consciousness” as it is applied to allies and the necessary action against oppressive agents.

There is a great deal of work on campaign finance at the national level, however, state level research is sparse. My dissertation fills this void in the literature by examining the motivations of contributors to state legislators. The literature discusses two major motivations of contributors universalistic contributors, who hope to influence election outcomes, and particularistic contributors who hope to influence legislative votes. The primary hypothesis is that proximity to the general election is the primary factor in explaining contribution patterns in state legislatures; however, proximity to a legislative vote of interest to the contributor will also be significant in explaining contribution patterns. Additionally, the dissertation examines the impact of session limits on contribution patterns. I use campaign contribution data collected by the National Institute on Money in State Politics and select twenty-five bills in nine states to test the primary hypothesis. I use a contributor fixed effects model to test for increased or decreased levels of contributions for each contributor, given the proximity to the election and legislative votes important to the contributor. The results indicate that contributions increase across all states in the two months prior to the general and primary elections, and that proximity to the election is the most important factor in explaining campaign contributions in state legislatures. In 32% of all cases in the study, there was direct evidence of interest groups attempting to influence the outcome of legislative votes. Additionally, an increase in contributions close to a major legislative vote occurred in 77% of the cases without session limits, indicating that interest groups are highly active in attempting to influence policy outcomes. An additional examination of contribution patterns indicates that PACs shift their contributions to the beginning of the legislative session when faced with session limits. My research contributes to our understanding of the motives of campaign contributors and their actions when faced with legal restrictions on their contributions. This research, therefore, allows campaign finance reformers to make better reform decisions.

In the 21st century, this planet has experienced an explosion of social movements and protests. From the Arab Spring to the Occupy Movement, global protests had become such a prominent feature of the first decade of the new millennium that Time Magazine named the protester as its person of the year in 2011. This project examines the relationship between social theory and political practice in an attempt to gain further insight into contemporary social movements. In particular, it examines the theoretical assumptions underlying the Occupy Movement in the United States and compares these assumptions with 19th century individual and collective anarchist theories, as well as with contemporary theories that have taken the postmodern turn.

[pt] O trabalho em questão visa analisar o papel dos advogados populares junto ao avanço dos movimentos sociais no Brasil. Estes profissionais ganharam relevo com as transformações da Carta Constitucional de 1988 e seus efeitos na emergência de novos sujeitos e novos direitos na seara política. Também, o fenômeno da judicialização da política, vem demarcando, a cada dia, o Direito como um acirrado campo de disputas e lutas simbólicas pelo monopólio de tradução e atuação das causas e repertórios (capital social), lutas que transbordam nos demais campos sociais (político, cultural, etc.), ressignificando o papel destes agentes e suas visões/ projetos de sociedade, e das bandeiras de luta dos movimentos sociais. Buscar-se-á entender quem são estes atores jurídicos, quais suas estratégias de atuação, como estabelecem o diálogo com os movimentos sociais e por fim, como constroem um perfil de militância profissional que tem como eixo o compromisso político e ético que norteia seu ativismo. Para tanto refletiremos a contribuição das dimensões da utopia e da tradição messiânica do romantismo revolucionário nas identidades do advogado popular como catalisador de uma ação política cercada de ideais de Justiça e projetos emancipatórios. / [en] The dissertation seeks to analyze the role of popular lawyers with the advancement of social movements in Brazil. These professionals attained relevance with the transformations of the Constitutional Charter of 1988 and its effects on the emergence of new subjects and new rights in political matters. Also, the phenomenon of judicialization of politics, has been pivotal in making the law as a fierce battleground and symbolic struggles for the monopoly of translations and actions in the causes and repertoires (social capital), such struggles, which overflow in other social fields (political, cultural, etc.), redefining the role of these agents and their society projects and views, and rallying points of social movements. This work shall seek to understand who are these legal actors, what are their strategies of action, how they establish dialogues with social movements and finally, how they build a professional profile of militancy that is centered on the political and ethical commitments that guides their activism. To do so, this essay shall think the contribution of the dimensions of both utopian and the messianic tradition at the romanticism in the popular lawyer identities as a catalyst for political action surrounded by ideals of justice and emancipatory projects.

A invenção e popularização do uso do computador e da internet a partir da segunda metade do século XX vieram acompanhadas de uma cultura da colaboração, liberdade de expressão e autogoverno. Na medida em que as novas mídias, em especial os videogames e as redes sociais, marcados pela interatividade, participação e colaboração, foram incorporadas pela sociedade, passamos a testemunhar a transmissão desta cultura do mundo digital para o nosso cotidiano do mundo real. Este trabalho busca apresentar a trajetória do desenvolvimento dos computadores e videogames ressaltando a filosofia hacker que os criou e a dicotomia entre seus ideais libertários e sua apropriação pelos meios corporativos, dando especial atenção à sua associação com movimentos sociais que culminaram no ciberativismo moderno e suas vertentes. Esta apresentação serve de base para o estudo do caso do Projeto Jogo Justo, uma ação coletiva com uso da internet que buscava a criação de uma política favorável à indústria de videogames no Brasil, sua relação com ações políticas tradicionais e com o ciberativismo, questionando sua viabilidade caso a Internet não existisse, compreendendo-a como uma nova forma de ação política através do uso de ferramentas de Internet e fruto desta nova cultura colaborativa. / The invention and popularization of the use of computers and the internet from the second half of the twentieth century was accompanied by a culture of collaboration, freedom of expression and self-government. While new media, especially video games and social networks, marked by interactivity, participation and collaboration, were merged into the society, we begun witnessing the transmission of this culture from the \"digital world\" for our everyday \"real world \". This paper seeks to present the history of the development of computers and video games emphasizing hacker philosophy who created it and the dichotomy between his libertarian ideals and its appropriation by the corporate media, with special attention to its association with social movements that culminated in the modern cyberactivism and its variations. This presentation serves as a basis for the case study Projeto Jogo Justo (Project Fair Play), a collective action using the internet seeking the creation of a policy favorable to the video game industry in Brazil, its relationship to traditional political action and cyberactivism, questioning their viability if the Internet did not exist, understanding it as a new form of political action through the use of Internet tools and fruit of this new collaborative culture.

Dans cette thèse, l’auteur prolonge une intuition présente dans la conception arendtienne du jugement politique et selon laquelle « quand on juge, on juge en tant que membre d’une communauté ». A rebours d’une certaine image de la communauté, les réflexions d’Arendt sur le jugement invitaient non seulement à envisager du commun là où il n’y en avait a priori pas mais surtout à concevoir la notion de communauté comme un concept aspectuel et comme une pratique politique perspectiviste. Aussi, cette thèse cherche-t-elle à déployer une représentation synoptique de la notion de communauté, c’est-à-dire à faire l’expérience du concept de communauté sous différents aspects. Pour ce faire, l’auteur s’intéresse, dans une première partie, aux sens en usage de la notion de communauté dans des travaux théoriques aussi différents que ceux de John Rawls, Alasdair MacIntyre, Chantal Mouffe et Jacques Rancière. La seconde partie de ce travail vise quant à elle d’une part, à prolonger la tentative de clarification du concept de communauté et, d’autre part, à éprouver l’hypothèse selon laquelle activité et participation commune au jugement sont créatrices de communauté. Les topoï retenus, des topoï juridiques, se focalisent précisément sur ces moments où l’image de la communauté, où l’idée même d’une chose commune en partage, devient problématique. Situations de krisis, au double sens du terme c’est-à-dire de crise et de décision, situations à la frontière du droit et de la politique, situations limites au point d’intersection entre communauté et extranéité, ils sont autant d’exemples de la possibilité de conjuguer ensemble division et communalité. / In this dissertation, the author draws on Hannah Arendt’s theory of judgment in exploring what it means to judge “as a member of a community”. At odds with a certain picture of community, Arendt’s reflexions on judgment pointed not only to the problem of forming a community among people who have lost what they had in common but also to the possibility of considering the notion of community as both an aspectual concept and a perspectivist political practice. Thus, this dissertation brings to light a perspicuous representation of the notion of community. In other words, it seeks to help us experience new and different aspects of the concept of community. To access those aspects of community, we need access to ways of thinking about and using community that allow for meaningful engagement and critical reflection. In a first part, the author seeks insight about community from four thinkers from different theoretical backgrounds. In a second part, the author tries to show that alternative pictures of the concept of community exist. The criterion used to select these alternative examples is their usefulness in illuminating some aspect of community, thereby contributing to a perspicuous representation of the concept. The examples, which are all borrowed from the legal sphere, focus mainly on moments when the picture of community and the idea of something in common become puzzling. Krisis situations, borderline cases (Grenzsituation) between law and politics, between community and extraneity, they are all examples of the possibility of bringing together division and communality.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 226-244).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1969. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

190f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-08-05T18:10:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Helen Catalina Ubinger.pdf: 5498987 bytes, checksum: c76c1ddb3926c823bcc4ef4dd6e846ea (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela(anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-08-14T15:14:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Helen Catalina Ubinger.pdf: 5498987 bytes, checksum: c76c1ddb3926c823bcc4ef4dd6e846ea (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-08-14T15:14:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Helen Catalina Ubinger.pdf: 5498987 bytes, checksum: c76c1ddb3926c823bcc4ef4dd6e846ea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / CNPq / O presente estudo faz uma discussão etnográfica sobre a construção social e simbólica do território indígena, na visão dos Tupinambá da Serra do Padeiro, sul da Bahia. Versa sobre os aspectos sociocosmológicos e representações culturais, que se referem à memória coletiva do processo histórico e interétnico. Neste sentido, destaca alguns pontos culminantes durante o processo de territorialização em que se desenvolve numa territorialidade específica. Isto tem acontecido por meio da resistência indígena, caracterizada pela organização sociopolítica, que se relaciona com a terra, através de práticas religiosas, além daquelas que visam as necessidades básicas para a manutenção e reprodução social do grupo. A estruturação social, em termos religiosos, fundamenta-se na alteridade simbólica do grupo étnico, comunicada pela intencionalidade de entidades espirituais, conhecidas como “encantados”. Desta forma, ilumina a correlação entre etnicidade e religião num processo de visibilidade étnica e política dos membros do referido território Tupinambá. Assim, a pesquisa mostra a indissociável relação entre religião e movimento político na luta pela Terra Indígena. The present study is an ethnographic discussion of the social and symbolic construction of the indigenous territory from the perspective of the Tupinambá people of Serra do Padeiro, in southern Bahia. It examines the socio-cosmological aspects and cultural representations that refer to the collective memory of the historical and interethnic process. In this way, the current study also points out the main events that have occurred during the process of territorialization when it has now developed into a specific territoriality. This has occurred due to an indigenous resistance characterized by their sociopolitical organization, which relates to the land through religious practices, as well as those practices that maintain the basic necessities and social reproduction of the group. In religious terms, the social structure is established by the symbolic alterity of the ethnic group, communicated by the intentions of spiritual entities known as “encantados”. Therefore, illuminating the correlation between ethnicity and religion in the process of ethnic and political visibility for the members of this Tupinambá territory. Thus, the research shows an inseparable relationship between religion and the political movement in the fight for the Indigenous Land. / Salvador

Universidade Salgado de Oliveira / A transmigração da Corte portuguesa para a América no ano de 1808 implicou na transferência de boa parte do aparato administrativo existente em Lisboa, de modo a permitir que o príncipe regente, D. João, pudesse governar o Império, a partir do Rio de Janeiro. Esta tese de doutorado analisa um dos órgãos então estabelecidos: a Secretaria de Estado dos Negócios do Brasil. Partindo-se do princípio de que a dominação se estabelece pela administração, pretendeu-se, pelo estudo dessa instituição, atentar para determinados aspectos que envolveram a instalação dos órgãos de poder no continente americano. Nesse sentido, duas questões nortearam a estruturação e o desenvolvimento dos capítulos deste trabalho. Em um nível mais recortado, atentou-se para um exame sobre as principais caraterísticas da estrutura administrativa dessa instituição, percebendo quem eram os seus oficiais, os cargos ocupados e os seus respectivos ordenados, de modo a compreender as especificidades, o perfil do seu corpo burocrático; bem como a importância desse grupo de funcionários na configuração de um estilo administrativo na nova Corte. No tocante a um âmbito mais amplo, inseriu-se a Secretaria de Estado dos Negócios do Brasil no quadro que a relaciona a outros órgãos de poder então existentes. A partir deste aspecto, tentou-se apreender o eixo da política do príncipe regente para o Brasil. O exame dos tópicos de ação político-administrativa dessa instituição permitiu demonstrar o sentido da administração joanina, durante os quatro primeiros anos de permanência no Rio de Janeiro. / The migration of the Portuguese Court to America in 1808 caused the transference of a great deal of the existing administrative system in Lisbon, so that the Royal Prince D. João could govern the Empire, from Rio de Janeiro. This thesis analyzes one of the agencies established then: Secretaria de Estado dos Negócios do Brasil The State Secretariat of Affairs in Brazil. Departing from the principle that domination takes place through administration, it was intended, through the study of this institution, draw attention to certain aspects that involved the installation of the agencies of power in the American continent. In that sense, two issues conducted the framework and the development of the chapters of this work. At a more specific level, an examination of the main characteristics of the administrative structure of this institution was carried out, realizing who their officers were, the posts occupied and their respective assigned, in order to understand its particular features, the profile of its bureaucratic work group as well as the importance of this group of employees in the establishment of an administrative style in the new Court. Regarding a broader level, the State Secretariat of Business in Brazil was inserted in the structure which relates it to other existing power agencies of that time. From this aspect, this work tried to apprehend the core of the politics of the Royal Prince for Brazil. The analysis of the political and administrative action topics of this institution allowed to show the sense of the D.João administration, during the first four years of his stay in Rio de Janeiro.