[pt] O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a liberdade e a ação política no pensamento de Hannah Arendt, adotando como ponto principal a sua obra A condição humana. Analisa-se as condições humanas do trabalho, obra e ação, buscando, assim, compreender o papel da liberdade política na contemporaneidade diante da emancipação do trabalho e da vitória do animal laborans. / [en] The present work aims to analyze freedom and political action at the thought of Hannah Arendt, mainly by adopting The human condition as central reference. We analyze the humans conditions of labor, work and action, seeking thereby to understand the sense of political freedom in the contemporary face of emancipation of labor and the hegemony of animal laborans.

O movimento estudantil teve um importante papel no cenário brasileiro entre 1964 e 1984, pois lutou intensamente contra as arbitrariedades cometidas pela ditadura no âmbito político, social, econômico e educacional. Para demonstrar a relevância deste movimento, bem como elaborar uma análise aprofundada da atuação dos estudantes nesse período, este trabalho - embasado na literatura, em textos e depoimentos - procura apresentar a história do movimento estudantil das universidades públicas durante a ditadura civil-militar, com ênfase em São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro e Minas Gerais, estados que reúnem a maior parte dos episódios envolvendo os estudantes nesses 20 anos de autoritarismo. O resgate histórico mostra que o movimento estudantil brasileiro vivenciou 4 fases distintas entre 1961 e 1984: liberdade, resistência, silenciamento e retomada. Essa divisão, portanto, evidencia que o Brasil passou por diferentes momentos políticos durante a ditadura e isso se refletiu na atuação dos estudantes, que também foi diferenciada em cada uma dessas fases, acompanhando as transformações políticas do país. / The student movement played an important role in Brazil during the 1964-1984 period, mainly for the intense struggle against the military dictatorship\'s actions, regarding the political, social, economical and educational spheres. In order to present the importance of this movement, and to analyze the students\' role during those years, this work based on political literature, bibliographical review and personal statements to describe the history of this public universities student movement during the civil-military dictatorship period, focusing the events on those two decades, which were mostly located in the States of São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais. There are four different phases along 1961 and 1984: freedom of expression, resistance, silence and retake. This division shows that Brazil was under different political moments during the dictatorship period, and the student movement reflects the political circumstances of them.

<p>  </p> <p>This dissertation is a series of articles that put Hannah Arendt’s political thought in conversation with current social and political phenomena, namely the refugee crisis, political action under the circumstances of oppression, and the neoliberal turn in feminism.</p> <p>My first chapter joins the contemporary Arendt scholarship that parallels her account of the refugee condition and the current global refugee situation. I first analyze the image of human rights and plurality in <em>The Origins of Totalitarianism</em> and discuss the cosmopolitan response to the issues raised by Arendt. I then argue that <em>The Human Condition </em>offers an opening for a new understanding of Arendtian action that is not tied to traditional citizenship and will thus be more accommodating of refugees.</p> <p>My second chapter explores the possibility of Arendtian political action under oppression. I offer an analysis of Arendt’s separation of society versus politics and point out the limitation that this distinction places on what forms of action count as properly political. I then argue that in order to overcome this restriction, Arendt needs to recognize that 1) for marginalized groups, navigating both the social and political obstacles involves sacrifices that constitute political action, and 2) our discriminated against identity can become an instrument of political action.</p> <p>My third chapter offers an Arendtian analysis of neoliberal feminism. I begin by identifying three main ways neoliberal feminism strips the feminist movement of its collective, egalitarian, and emancipatory character. I then introduce Arendt’s account of modern capitalist labor, exclusive and inclusive solidarity, and individual self-transformation in the face of systemic obstacles. I use these Arendtian concepts to point out flaws in neoliberal feminism and offer an alternative that promotes the liberatory goals of the feminist movement. </p>

[pt] O presente trabalho discute a polêmica visão de Hannah Arendt relativa ao papel ocupado pela dimensão social no processo político contemporâneo. Arendt insurge-se contra a corrente articulação entre o social e o político, que instrumentaliza a prática política reduzindo-a a uma atividade secundária e, consequentemente, alienante. Essa visão de Arendt encontra fortes contrapontos em diversos pensadores da filosofia política que serão aqui tratados, com destaque para Jürgen Habermas e Seyla Benhabib. Para uma adequada compreensão da polêmica, três pontos são de fundamental importância: o conceito de distinção no pensamento de Arendt; sua teoria de ação política (oriunda da práxis aristotélica); e, finalmente, sua concepção de modernidade. / [en] The present dissertation discusses the Hannah Arendt s polemic vision of the role of social dimension in the current political process. Arendt claims that the ongoing way to articulate these two dimensions, leads to an instrumentalization of the political sphere which reduces it to a secondary role and therefore increases the process of alienation. This vision meets strong reactions by several scholars, who will be discussed herein, highlighting Jurgen Habermas and Seyla Benhabib. For a proper understanding of the subject, three issues are of paramount importance: the concept of distinction in Arendt s thinking; Arendt s theory of political action (from Aristotelian praxis); and the Arendt s idea of modernity.

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Nas primeiras décadas do século XX, inicialmente em Viena, depois em Berlim, na busca pela profilaxia da neurose, o psicanalista austro-húngaro Wilhelm Reich (1897-1957) militou por transformações sociais. Este estudo focaliza a relação entre ação política e formação da consciência de classe no pensamento de Reich. Tendo por base formulações do historiador Dominick LaCapra, especialmente sobre contextualização e repetição variada, e utilizando o livro de Reich O que é a consciência de classe?, de 1934, como ponto de partida genealógico, foram analisados textos reichianos publicados entre 1926 e 1934. Os resultados indicaram que a proposta de militância política reichiana, afinada com o otimismo leninista e social democrata da virada do século XIX para o XX, pressupôs a capacidade natural revolucionária das massas e a necessidade de um processo recíproco de educação entre as massas e a direção revolucionária sem o qual a revolução não aconteceria / In the first decades of the twentieth century, first in Vienna, then in Berlin, in the search for prophylaxis of neurosis, Austro-Hungarian psychoanalyst Wilhelm Reich (1897-1957) campaigned for social transformations. This study focuses on the relationship between political action and class consciousness formation in Reichs thought. Based on historian Dominick LaCapras formulations, especially about contextualization and varied repetition, and using the book Reich What is class consciousness?, 1934, as a genealogical point of departure, reichian texts published between 1926 and 1934 were analyzed. The results indicated that the political activism proposed by Reich, aligned with the Leninist and social democratic optimism in the turn of the nineteenth to the twentieth century, assumed the revolutionary natural ability of the masses and the need for a reciprocal process of education among the masses and the revolutionary direction without which the revolution would not happen

Many causes have been proposed for the transition to agriculture but how can archaeologists debate rival interpretations of the record with a seat-of-your-pants theoretical methodology? Truth is a concept that has been the subject of considerable thought and analysis by philosophers for millennia and is a conceptual resource that archaeologists can draw on. The aim of this thesis is twofold. Firstly, the aim is to study the epistemological criteria used in the formulation and assessment of archaeological knowledge: bringing new understanding of knowledge formation in archaeology and how to deal with competing interpretations of the past (specifically with political and ethical ramifications). The second aim is to assess these epistemological criteria and position them in light of the literature on philosophical theories of truth. The focus of this thesis is on the justification project which attempts to identify a characteristic which is possessed by most true propositions and not possessed by most false propositions. In other words, what it is that makes certain statements about the past 'true' or 'not true'. The aim is to understand how archaeological claims about the past come to be made and against what grounds these claims are justified. Three angles are used to answer the aims of this thesis. Firstly, looking at archaeological interpretation in the field, the case study of Çatalhöyük in Turkey is used to track interpretation from excavation through to publication. Secondly, looking at justification in larger syntheses of the past, different explanations for the emergence of agriculture in Britain are explored to understand how justification works at this level of archaeological interpretation, especially when dealing with multiple explanations. Finally, the ethical and political consequences of archaeological justification are discussed. Given the acceptance that there are different interpretations of the past beyond solely the archaeologists, how does justification work in archaeology when we include other interpretations of the past and when concerns shift away from reaching the most justified account of the past, to the practical ramifications of that knowledge? This thesis original and novel contribution is in answering these aims. In the next chapters it will be argued that archaeological justification works within a specific model of justification based on correspondence and coherence. Justification shifts as interpretation moves away from the archaeological record; there is a heavier reliance on abductive reasoning. Multiple interpretations are a product of abductive reasoning and due to the adoption of different theoretical stances. Archaeology fits within a pragmatist theory of truth showing that ethical and political issues are part of the process of justification.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:23:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maira Kubik Taveira Mano.pdf: 809972 bytes, checksum: 43402c188ce66d0d82e030643197f549 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-05 / This dissertation supports the hypothesis that the mainstream media covers with prejudice direct political actions led by women member of the dominated classes. There is a double prejudice: of gender and social class. To corroborate this hypothesis, we analyzed the reports in the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo during the protests of the International Women's Day between 1985 and 2006, with special attention the last one, where 2.000 women from Via Campesina occupied an area of Aracruz Celulose in Barra do Ribeiro (RS, Brazil). The publications were considered private apparatus of hegemony within the boundaries of Antonio Gramsci s theory / Essa dissertação defende a hipótese que a grande imprensa cobre de maneira preconceituosa as ações políticas diretas protagonizadas por mulheres integrantes das classes dominadas. O preconceito é duplo: de gênero e de classe social. Para corroborar com essa hipótese, analisamos as notícias publicadas nos jornais Folha de S.Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo por ocasião dos protestos do Dia Internacional das Mulheres entre 1985 e 2006, com atenção especial para este último, em que 2 mil mulheres da Via Campesina ocuparam uma área da empresa Aracruz Celulose em Barra do Ribeiro (RS). As publicações foram consideradas aparelhos privados de hegemonia nos marcos da teoria de Antonio Gramsci.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maira Kubik Taveira Mano.pdf: 809972 bytes, checksum: 43402c188ce66d0d82e030643197f549 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-05 / This dissertation supports the hypothesis that the mainstream media covers with prejudice direct political actions led by women member of the dominated classes. There is a double prejudice: of gender and social class. To corroborate this hypothesis, we analyzed the reports in the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo during the protests of the International Women's Day between 1985 and 2006, with special attention the last one, where 2.000 women from Via Campesina occupied an area of Aracruz Celulose in Barra do Ribeiro (RS, Brazil). The publications were considered private apparatus of hegemony within the boundaries of Antonio Gramsci s theory / Essa dissertação defende a hipótese que a grande imprensa cobre de maneira preconceituosa as ações políticas diretas protagonizadas por mulheres integrantes das classes dominadas. O preconceito é duplo: de gênero e de classe social. Para corroborar com essa hipótese, analisamos as notícias publicadas nos jornais Folha de S.Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo por ocasião dos protestos do Dia Internacional das Mulheres entre 1985 e 2006, com atenção especial para este último, em que 2 mil mulheres da Via Campesina ocuparam uma área da empresa Aracruz Celulose em Barra do Ribeiro (RS). As publicações foram consideradas aparelhos privados de hegemonia nos marcos da teoria de Antonio Gramsci.

As relações políticas existentes na construção do planejamento das cidades brasileiras constituem o objeto de pesquisa desta tese de doutorado. Apesar da criação do Estatuto da Cidade, em 2001, pouco se avançou na garantia do direito à cidade para aquelas pessoas que mais sofrem com as diversas desigualdades sociais, construídas historicamente sob um leque de privilégios de grupos dominantes nas cidades. Entre esses grupos estão os empresários que, reunidos em associações, pautam firmemente as ações estatais, sobretudo as políticas urbanas, desde as metrópoles até as pequenas cidades. Para analisar tal ação política, utilizaremos a teoria do rent-seeking, amplamente difundida na Economia e na Ciência Política. Esta tese busca provar a existência de um rent-seeking urbano, pois o que está em disputa na cidade é a renda a partir da terra urbana, maximizando lucros e expandindo as fronteiras da acumulação do capital, o qual está imbricado em uma extensa rede financeira global e se expressa nas cidades, lócus da reprodução da vida dos cidadãos. Aplicaremos essa tese ao caso da cidade de Joinville, situada no estado de Santa Catarina, detentora da terceira maior população da região Sul do país. Joinville possui uma grande articulação de entidades empresariais com poderoso capital político, capaz de influenciar os diversos grupos sociais e políticos locais. A partir da criação do Plano Diretor de Joinville, em 2008, coincidindo com o período da grande expansão do setor imobiliário brasileiro, novos interesses entram em disputa. Para garantir o rent-seeking urbano, a coalizão de empresários precisou realinhar conservadoramente as instâncias da democracia participativa, financiar campanhas eleitorais e exercer lobbies sob os principais marcos legais em discussão. Excluindo, assim, aqueles que contestam os privilégios políticos de alguns grupos e desmandos empresariais. / The existing political relations on construction of urban planning in Brazilian cities are the research object of this doctoral thesis. Despite the creation of the City Statute in 2001, little progress was made in guaranteeing city rights for those people who suffer most with several social inequalities, historically built under a range of privileges from dominant groups in the cities. Among these groups there are entrepreneurs who participate in associations and debate firmly on state actions, mainly urban politics, from metropolis to small cities. To analyze this political action the rent-seeking theory, which is widely used on Economy and Political Science, will be used. This thesis aims to prove the existence of urban rent-seeking, because what's on stake in the city is the wealth provision of urban land, maximizing profits and expanding the borders of capital accumulation, which is interwoven into an extensive financial network and this is expressed in the cities, locus of citizen's lives. This thesis will be applied in Joinville city, located in Santa Catarina state, with the third largest population of the country's southern region. Joinville has a great political business entities articulation with plenty political power which influences several social and political groups. With the creation of Joinville masterplan in 2008, coinciding with the expansion of Brazilian real estate industry, new interests are in disputation. To ensure the urban rent-seeking, the coalition of entrepreneurs needed realign conservatively the participatory democracy, fund election campaigns and lobby the principals legal frameworks in discussion. Thereby, excluding those who contest political privilege of some groups and business entities.