O tema desta pesquisa são as disputas travadas por veículos midiáticos na cobertura a ações de movimentos sociais. Busca-se, empiricamente, identificar os enquadramentos interpretativos construídos por três jornais (Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho e Sul21) sobre o ciclo de protestos de 2013, em Porto Alegre/RS, em especial no que se refere às interações entre manifestantes e aparato policial. Metodologicamente, foi construído um banco de dados com todas as publicações de cada jornal, na cobertura ao ciclo de manifestações, bem como foram entrevistados(as) jornalistas responsáveis pela produção do conteúdo dessas publicações. Após a organização e a quantificação do corpus de dados, com a identificação de tendências de cobertura, foram selecionados eventos específicos de protesto (ocorridos em 27 de março, 04 de abril, 13 de junho e 20 de junho), bem como as “retrospectivas” de final de ano, para análise de conteúdo. A convergência entre o material empírico e os referenciais teóricos resultou em três dimensões centrais: a identidade dos(as) manifestantes; a caracterização da(s) reivindicação(ões) do protesto; as interações entre manifestantes e policiais. A partir de tais dimensões construiu-se um modelo analítico para operacionalização do estudo. Os resultados da pesquisa indicam que a construção de enquadramentos interpretativos por Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho e Sul21 foi caracterizada pela multiplicidade de esquemas interpretativos. Essa multiplicidade diz respeito a diferenças (a) entre os conteúdos de cada jornal e a (b) transformações de enquadramento no curso das mobilizações. Zero Hora e Diário Gaúcho produziram enquadramentos similares. Inicialmente, as coberturas de ambos os jornais centraram-se na identificação de repertórios de dano a patrimônios por manifestantes, tomando-se a manifestação (denominada “baderna”) como ilegítima. Ao longo do ano, Zero Hora e Diário Gaúcho delimitaram uma distinção entre “manifestantes pacíficos” e um grupo específico - qualificado pelo termo “vândalos” -, o qual foi considerado responsabilizável pela realização de repertórios de dano a patrimônios. A referida transformação de enquadramento denotou uma autonomização deste repertório específico (tomado como ilegítimo) em relação à manifestação (considerada legítima). O Sul21 caracterizou-se, diversamente, pela ênfase, desde o início do ano, no questionamento à ação policial de repressão às mobilizações. Os protestos, por outro turno, foram invariavelmente considerados legítimos pelo Sul21. Por fim, as “retrospectivas” de final de ano indicaram similaridades no enquadramento de todos os jornais, com a construção de uma síntese interpretativa hegemônica a respeito do ciclo de protestos. A partir da análise de dados, formulou-se a seguinte tipologia dos enquadramentos interpretativos adotados em diferentes momentos do ano: “Manifestação como afronta à ordem”; “Polícia como instituição violenta”; “Maioria de manifestantes pacíficos em oposição à minoria de manifestantes violentos”; “Maioria de manifestantes pacíficos em oposição à minoria de manifestantes violentos e a uma polícia violenta”. A análise cronológica denotou disputas entre esses diferentes modelos de cobertura, com a constituição de um “campo de batalha” interpretativo. / The subject of this research is the disputes promoted by media vehicles at the coverage of social movements actions. We seek to, empirically, identify the interpretative frameworks built by three newspapers (Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho and Sul21) about the 2013 protests cycle, in Porto Alegre/RS, in particular in what it refers to the interactions between protesters and police apparatus. Methodologically, we constructed a database with all the publications of each newspaper, at the coverage of the mobilization cycle and we interviewed journalists responsible for producing the content of these publications. After organizing and quantifying the database, identifying coverage trends, we selected specific protest events (occurred on March 27, April 04, June 13 and June 20) and the end-of-the-year "retrospectives" for content analysis. The convergence between empirical data and theoretical references resulted in three central dimensions: the identity of protesters; the characterization of protest claims; the interactions between protesters, and police. From these dimensions we constructed an analytical model for the implementation of the study. The survey results indicate that the construction of interpretative frameworks by Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho, and Sul21 was characterized by the multiplicity of interpretative schemes. This multiplicity concerns about the differences (a) between the contents of each newspaper and about the (b) framework changes in the course of mobilizations. Zero Hora and Diário Gaúcho produced similar frameworks. Initially, the coverage of both newspapers focused on the identification of repertoires of patrimonial damage by protesters, taking the manifestation (called "hooliganism") as illegitimate. Throughout the year, Zero Hora and Diário Gaúcho delimited a distinction between "peaceful protesters" and a specific group - qualified as "vandals" -, which was considered responsible for conducting repertoires of patrimonial damage. This framework transformation denoted an increasing autonomy of this particular repertoire (taken as illegitimate) in relation with the mobilization itself (considered legitimate). Sul21 was characterized, diversely, by the emphasis, since the beginning of the year, on questioning the police action of repression to the manifestations. The protests, on the other hand, were invariably considered legitimate by Sul21. Finally, the end-of-the-year "retrospectives" indicated similarities between the frameworks of all the newspapers, with the construction of a hegemonic interpretative synthesis about the protest cycle. From the data analysis, we formulated the following typology of interpretative frameworks adopted in different moments of the year: "manifestation as an affront to order"; "Police as a violent institution"; "The majority of peaceful protesters opposed to the minority of violent protesters"; "The majority of peaceful protesters opposed to the minority of violent protesters and opposed to a violent police." The chronological analysis denoted disputes between these different types of coverage, with the establishment of a "battlefield" interpretation.

Submitted by Celso Magalhaes (celsomagalhaes@ufrrj.br) on 2018-09-11T12:02:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017 - Raphael Ferreira de ?vila.pdf: 1140292 bytes, checksum: e90cf347275360e5e8c43f5f2e2c808d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-11T12:02:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017 - Raphael Ferreira de ?vila.pdf: 1140292 bytes, checksum: e90cf347275360e5e8c43f5f2e2c808d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-19 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / The present work investigates the psychosocial aspects of the use of mask in demonstrations and protests in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, implying such actions in the context of the struggles of ?Jornadas de Junho de 2013?. We analyze here these events, as organized in the form of the the multitude, and guided by the emergence of the right to the city as a way of constructing a conception of these events. It sought to think about the methodological possibilities of a research in social psychology from the triangulation of datas, on its potential of depth extension: the structural approach of Social Representations, and the methodological proposal of Content Analysis, associated through its possible perspectives in research. The results point out as probable central nucleus of social representations the elements "anonymity", "black bloc", "hide", "protection" and "vandalism". Content analysis indicates responses under the categories of "experience", "justification" and "collective identity construction" for those who claim to have used masks in protests, and the categories "anonymity", "protection", "judgment" ?collective identity construction" and "fantasy" for those who declare that they have never made such a use. The triangulation of datas allows to highlight the representation of "anonymity" in chorus with the narratives of search of a construction of collective identity as powerful collective agency, taking the use of masks as detachment of the individual in favor of the identity of the group. We conclude in debate with the theory that the current protests and manifestations in Brazil present multiple affections around the common, placing in the brazilian scene this new autonomous way to make politics: from the spaces they create to the instruments and languages they use, until the relations between those who are acting, so that hiding the face may be less a protection of individuality and more an act of building belonging, sharing another signe, more social / O presente trabalho investiga os aspectos psicossociais do uso de m?scara em manifesta??es e protestos no Brasil contempor?neo, mais especificamente na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, implicando tais a??es no contexto das lutas das chamadas Jornadas de Junho de 2013, analisando aqui tais acontecimentos entendo-os como organizados na forma da multid?o, e pautados pela emerg?ncia do direito ? cidade como forma de construir uma concep??o destes acontecimentos. Buscamos pensar as possibilidades metodol?gicas de uma pesquisa em psicologia social a partir da triangula??o de dados, em virtude de seu potencial de amplia??o de profundidade: a Teoria das Representa??es Sociais atrav?s da abordagem estrutural e a proposta metodol?gica da An?lise de Conte?do, associadas atrav?s de suas perspectivas poss?veis em pesquisa. Os resultados apontam o prov?vel n?cleo central das representa??es sociais com os elementos como ?anonimato?, ?black-bloc?, ?esconder?, ?prote??o? e ?vandalismo?. A an?lise de conte?do indica respostas nos termos das categorias ?experi?ncia?, ?justificativa? e ?constru??o de identidade coletiva? para aqueles que declaram j? haver usado m?scara em protestos, e as categorias ?anonimato? ?prote??o?, ?julgamento?, ?constru??o de identidade coletiva? e ?fantasia? para aqueles que declaram nunca ter feito tal uso. A triangula??o dos dados nos permite destacar a representa??o do ?anonimato? em coro com as narrativas de busca por uma constru??o de identidade coletiva como potente agenciamento coletivo, tomando o uso de m?scaras como distanciamento do indiv?duo em favor da identidade de grupo. Conclu?mos em debate com a teoria, que os atuais protestos e manifesta??es no Brasil apresentam multiplicidades de afetos em torno do comum, colocando na cena brasileira esta nova forma aut?noma de fazer pol?tica: dos espa?os que criam aos instrumentos e ?s linguagens que utilizam, at? as rela??es entre quem est? atuando, de forma que ocultar o rosto pode ser menos uma prote??o da individualidade e mais um ato de constru??o do pertencimento, da partilha de outro signo, mais social

Thesis (MPA.) --University of Limpopo, 2016 / Refer to document

Was charakterisiert eine postsozialistische Stadt? Dieser Frage geht die Arbeit am Beispiel der georgischen Hauptstadt Tbilisi in den Jahren 2008 bis 2012 nach. „Postsozialistisch“ wird dabei nicht nur als spezifische Transformation der Gesellschaft, sondern auch als gesellschaftliche Praxis der Abgrenzung vom Sozialismus definiert; somit werden ausgewählte Praktiken der Transformation der einst sozialistischen Stadtlandschaft und des einst sozialistischen urbanen Alltags ins Zentrum der Untersuchung gestellt. Über den Vergleich touristischer Stadtpläne von 1980 und 2008 wird in der Arbeit den Veränderungen der Repräsentation und somit auch der Konzeption von Stadt nachgegangen. Anhand der regierungskritischen Proteste im Frühjahr 2009 werden unterschiedliche Protestpraktiken und die gegenseitigen Zuschreibungen der politischen Akteure analysiert. Ein zen¬traler Fokus der Analysen liegt dabei auf den Themen der Auseinandersetzungen rund um die Proteste – den Interpretationen von Zivilgesellschaft und der damit verbundenen (Un-)Sichtbarkeit der Akteure des Protests – sowie auf den Motiven des Protests und den Strategien ihrer Entpolitisierung. Im Transect durch die Stadt werden die unterschiedlichen Praktiken und Akteure der städtischen Rekonstruktion in öffentlichen und privaten Räumen mit Blick auf die Partizipationsmöglichkeiten für unterschiedliche Bevölkerungsgruppen untersucht. Die Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit den postsozialistischen Ausschlüssen der neuen georgischen Nationsbildung, die mit der „sozialistischen Sozialisation“ der Betroffenen legitimiert werden und dadurch eine kritische Diskussion der neoliberalen gesellschaftlichen Tranformation verhindern. / What are the characteristics of post-socialist cities? This question underlies my research about the post-socialist transformations in the Georgian capital Tbilisi, carried out between 2008 and 2012. I understand the notion ‘post-socialist’ as an indicator for a specific form of transformation and as a practice of differentiation from the ‘socialist’: the socialist urban landscape and everyday life. Based on the comparison of touristic city-maps from 1980 and 2008 I carve out the transformations of the urban representation and conceptualization of the city’s space. At the example of the anti-government protests in spring 2009, I analyse different protest practices and ascriptions applied to different political actors. The analytical focus is put on the central topics negotiated around the protests: on the understanding of civil society and the subsequent (in-)visibility of the actors of the protests as well as on the motivations to protest and the strategies of their depolitization. A transect through the city opens the view on different practices of transforming urban public and private spaces, asking for different degrees and ways of participating in the process of societal modernization. In sum, the analysis reveals how the new Georgian nation building excludes the ‘socialist’ through the construction and stigmatization of a ‘socialist habitus’, therewith, inhibiting a critical revision of the ongoing neoliberal transformations.

This study addresses the media depiction of professional athletes involvement in protest and its impact for public consumption. This paper will further seek to analyze the role of social media and its framing of political protest specifically within professional sports. The purpose of this research is to study the progression in professional athletes’ participation in protest and through textual analysis aim to understand how newspapers frame an athlete’s message. The more recent study that will be used as a frame of reference is the newspaper coverage on the Kaepernick protest and the dual relationship that the local/national media and social media had in its framing and impact on sports and society. There is existing work that has focused on the up’s and down’s for African Americans in sports, but those sources only highlight small political protest in professional sports without highlighting newspaper coverage. This study will display through three top nationally circulated newspaper companies (and the top circulated newspaper in San Francisco where the Kaepernick protest started) how the media illustrates protest and the reaction to protest through the lens of social media.

<p>The mobilisation of protests has become more visible during the last few decades and the amount of literature focusing on the links between protest and policy has significantly increased. Nevertheless, scholars acknowledge that there is a lack of theoretical advancements, careful empirical analysis and attention to developing countries regarding these links. In this thesis I endeavor to address the above shortcomings. I elaborate on and evaluate existing theories on social movement outcomes by applying an event history analysis to my data on anti-privatisation struggles in India and Peru. The thesis consists of a comprehensive introduction and three interrelated essays. </p><p><b>Essay I</b> provides a systematic description of labor movements' reactions to privatisation processes in India. I demonstrate that the Indian trade unions which were affiliated with pro-privatisation parties avoided protesting even when their party was not in the government. Of two Communist-ruled states – Kerala and West Bengal, only the first accepted the protests of the affiliated union.</p><p><b>Essay II</b> discusses how the anti-privatisation struggle in India affected privatisation processes during the years 1990-2003. It focuses on mechanisms explaining the impact of a social movement's mobilisation, and on the role of protest characteristics. I demonstrate that challengers to privatisation were more successful in gaining favorable policy outcomes in those cases where they used large or economically disruptive protests.</p><p><b>Essay III</b> seeks to explain the varying outcomes of anti-privatisation protests in India and Peru. I test the prevalent theory on the conditionality of the protest impact in a novel empirical setting – that of developing countries. In contrast to previous studies, my results show that the impact of protests is not necessarily dependent on public support nor on support from political allies. However, the outcomes of mobilisation depend on political regime as protests are shown to be more influential within democracies.</p>

The mobilisation of protests has become more visible during the last few decades and the amount of literature focusing on the links between protest and policy has significantly increased. Nevertheless, scholars acknowledge that there is a lack of theoretical advancements, careful empirical analysis and attention to developing countries regarding these links. In this thesis I endeavor to address the above shortcomings. I elaborate on and evaluate existing theories on social movement outcomes by applying an event history analysis to my data on anti-privatisation struggles in India and Peru. The thesis consists of a comprehensive introduction and three interrelated essays. Essay I provides a systematic description of labor movements' reactions to privatisation processes in India. I demonstrate that the Indian trade unions which were affiliated with pro-privatisation parties avoided protesting even when their party was not in the government. Of two Communist-ruled states – Kerala and West Bengal, only the first accepted the protests of the affiliated union. Essay II discusses how the anti-privatisation struggle in India affected privatisation processes during the years 1990-2003. It focuses on mechanisms explaining the impact of a social movement's mobilisation, and on the role of protest characteristics. I demonstrate that challengers to privatisation were more successful in gaining favorable policy outcomes in those cases where they used large or economically disruptive protests. Essay III seeks to explain the varying outcomes of anti-privatisation protests in India and Peru. I test the prevalent theory on the conditionality of the protest impact in a novel empirical setting – that of developing countries. In contrast to previous studies, my results show that the impact of protests is not necessarily dependent on public support nor on support from political allies. However, the outcomes of mobilisation depend on political regime as protests are shown to be more influential within democracies.

<p>This dissertation examines the intersection of experimental art, literature, performance, photography, and architecture, as Japanese artists and intellectuals grappled with political disillusionment after the end of the protests against the ratification of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty of 1960. I focus on the work of the sculptors Miki Tomio and Kudo Tetsumi; photographs of late 1960s protests by Tomatsu Shomei and the self-portraits of the novelist Mishima Yukio; the collaboration between photographer Hosoe Eikoh and butoh dance founder Hijikata Tatsumi in the photo album <italic>Kamaitachi</italic> (The Sickle-Weasel, 1969); and depictions of the urban periphery in Hosoe's unfinished <italic>Private Landscape</italic> series (1970-) and the visionary urban planning of the architect Tange Kenzo. All shared an interest in portraying peripheral spaces, the detritus of the everyday, and the sexually perverse, cultivating a rhetoric of marginality that allowed them to explore their ambivalent feelings towards post-Anpo Japan.</p> / Dissertation

<p>This study analyses the relationship between the manner of citizens&rsquo / engagement with the state and the level of service delivery they experience in their everyday lives, as residents of Khayelitsha. The phenomena of so-called &lsquo / service delivery&rsquo / protests across South Africa have now become a fixture of South African politics. Khayelitsha is one of the sites with frequent protests in Cape Town and is inhabited by poor people, 70 percent of whom live in informal settlements. While the lack of municipal services is undoubtedly a major problem for many poor people in South Africa, thus&nbsp / far, few studies have been dedicated to investigate empirically this alleged link between service delivery and protest activity. The study utilizes mostly quantitative analysis techniques such as&nbsp / regression analysis and path analysis to discover the form and strength of linkages between the service delivery and participation forms. While residents of informal settlements and therefore&nbsp / poorer services were more prone to engage in protests and thus reinforcing the service delivery hypothesis, this relationship was relatively weak in regression analysis. What is more important than the service delivery variables such as water services was the level of cognitive awareness exemplified by the level of political engagement and awareness on the one hand and level of community engagement in terms of attendance of community meetings and membership of different organizations. In summary the study found relatively weak evidence to support the service&nbsp / delivery hypothesis and stronger evidence for the importance of cognitive awareness and resource mobilization theories in Khayelitsha as the key determinant of protest activity.</p>

The main purpose of this study is to understand the mobilization dynamics and impacts of the environmental opposition movement against the Black Sea Coastal Road Project in Turkey. The study is original in the sense that for the first time an opposition movement against a national road project was realized in Turkey. The Black Sea Coastal Road Project is one of the main infrastructure investments in Turkey. It covers a large geographical area, Eastern Black Sea Region, and some districts/provinces in the region formed an opposition movement against the project which objected to sea-filling method and destruction of coasts. The fieldwork of the study was conducted in seven districts/provinces of Eastern Black Sea Region. They were investigated in terms of their mobilization dynamics, tactics and the outcomes of the opposition movement. The main analysis is based on an evaluative approach and qualitative research. The fieldwork of the study was conducted in the periods of March 16, 2002 to March 24, 2002 and April 13, 2006 to April 20, 2006. In-depth-interviews and focus groups with local activists are used as data collection techniques. The seven cases-regions displayed some differences in their opposition movement in terms of the mobilization, tactics and the outcome. In the districts, most crucial for mobilization were the political party affiliation and the economic opportunity structures. The project being a part of governmental policy and the perception by the public, living in the region that the road is needed strongly affected dynamics, tactics and outcomes of the movement.