Who is 'the public'? The case of the EU's Public Diplomacy in the Eastern Partnership Master's Thesis - Kristin Aldag - Charles University, June 2021 Abstract For states and other international actors such as the European Union, public diplomacy is an important tool to achieve their political and economic interests abroad by communi- cating directly with foreign audiences. While the existing body of academic literature on pub- lic diplomacy is rich, few authors have thus far addressed the question of who actually consti- tutes the public, and which specific target groups can be distinguished. Using the EU PD prac- tices in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) from 2010-2020 as a case study, this thesis will thus attempt to fill this gap and contribute to the academic literature in the field by offering an overview of the various target groups within the European Union's public diplomacy. In a thorough content analysis of relevant primary sources, the thesis focuses on the policy objec- tives and practices of the European Union's outreach to different groups and audiences in the EaP region. The third chapter presents the results of this comprehensive research, which has shown that several distinct groups within the general public in the EaP can be identified, among them young people, media professional and...

As a theme of study, public diplomacy has been at the margins of International Relations and Diplomatic Studies, despite recent increased academic interest. However, studies largely remain descriptive and within the rationalist/realist approach, creating theoretical shortcomings. Furthermore, in practice, new manifestations referred to as public diplomacy, have entered the field. A recent manifestation, the case of US public diplomacy in the ‘war on terror’ is viewed as being propaganda. This campaign has thus challenged existing ideas on public diplomacy. This study postulates that due to the political and academic dominance of the US, this case will have far-reaching theoretical and practical implications. These theoretical shortcomings and new manifestations pose the main research question: What is public diplomacy? Two sub-questions inform this question: How does the US practice public diplomacy? How does US public diplomacy manifest in the ‘war on terror’? A three-step analysis addresses these questions: firstly, a theoretical analysis of the concept public diplomacy with propaganda serving as a counter-reference; secondly, an empirical analysis of US public diplomacy; and, thirdly, a case study of US public diplomacy in the ‘war on terror’. The case study follows two steps, applying a critical approach to reach beyond rationalist premises. The case study has been restricted to information activities of the principal public diplomacy agents and institutions. The theoretical analysis of public diplomacy indicates that, despite the fact that both practices are foreign policy instruments, and that they have common roots and common dimensions that create a public diplomacy-propaganda nexus, public diplomacy is clearly distinguished from propaganda by its diplomatic essence. The analysis has identified criteria distinguishing public diplomacy and propaganda respectively. The empirical analysis of US public diplomacy indicates that it conforms to the theoretical model. However, US public diplomacy is distinguished by its macro level foreign policy projection of exceptionalism and reliance on military power. The first step of the case study, applying criteria for public diplomacy, has revealed that US public diplomacy in the ‘war on terror’ only partially constitutes public diplomacy. The second step, applying criteria for propaganda, has revealed significant evidence of a propaganda campaign. This study therefore concludes that the information activities in the ‘war on terror’ constitute propaganda more accurately. In the light of the negative socio- and geo-political effects of the ‘war on terror’ in the Middle East, this study proposes that academic analysis clearly demarcates public diplomacy from propaganda by means of the principles of diplomacy, and also that policy makers refrain from propagandistic practices in public diplomacy. / Dissertation (M (Diplomatic Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Political Sciences / M (Diplomatic Studies) / unrestricted

Le recours fréquent à l'expression anglo-saxonne soft power traduit le « moment gramscien » des relations internationales dans lequel l'hégémonie symbolique compterait autant dans la balance des pouvoirs que les déterminants matériels classiques (démographie, armée, économie), (Chaubet, 2013). Dans ce cadre la culture comme mode d'influence deviendrait un enjeu stratégique par l'intervention des politiques de diplomaties d'influence devenu un nouveau champ d'affrontement des états. Dans un contexte où la question de ce qui fait puissance sur la scène internationale est posée et débattue, les politiques internationales de prestige s'envisagent en lien avec l'essor du numérique et l'émergence d'une opinion publique internationale. Ces nouveaux paramètres conduiraient à la mise en place d'une « nouvelle diplomatie culturelle de la France » (Fabius, Filippeti, 2013). Parallèlement l'hypothèse du glissement du « centre de gravité du monde » vers l'Asie, ainsi que l'histoire commune entre la France et le Vietnam, a conduit l'auteur à analyser l'évolution de la diplomatie culturelle/publique de la France dans un processus de redéfinition d'une dynamique d'internationalisation. L'auteur examine le passage d'une logique diplomatique de présence à une logique diplomatique d'influence impliquant la communication. La méthode intègre une analyse de corpus et une enquête sur le terrain (deux ans de présence au Vietnam). / ....

The decision to institute Area Studies in German universities in 1917, was born out of a perceived need to widen the intellectual horizon of the public and academia alike. At Greifswald University this ambitious reform programme saw the foundation of a Nordic Institute, charged with interdisciplinary studies of contemporary Northern Europe. Its interdisciplinarity and implicit role in public diplomacy made the Nordic Institute, and the institutions that succeeded it, an anomaly within the university, until the institute was fundamentally reformed in the early 1990s. The study explores the institutional development of the institute under five different political regimes – Kaiserreich, Weimar Republic, Third Reich, GDR and FRG. It does so through the lens of scholars as utility-seeking actors, manoeuvring between the confines of an academic environment and the possibilities afforded by the institute’s political task. It becomes apparent that the top-down institution of interdisciplinary scholarship produced a number of conflicts between the disciplinarily organized career path on theone hand, and scholars’ investment in broader regional research on the other. Personal conflicts in a confined and competitive environment, and a persistent shortage of funding provided further incentives for scholars to overcome perceived limitations of the academic sphere by offering their cooperation to the political field. Individual attempts to capitalize on a reciprocal exchange of resources with the political field remained a feature under all political regimes, but the opportunity to do so successfully depended on the receptiveness of the political field. Cooperation, where it was established, also proved to be difficult, with the interests of political and academic actors often diverging, and the political side’s interest becoming dominant. The study examines the underlying motivations of scholars to seek assistance from outside the academic field, but also the problems connected with that approach, and demonstrates the specific problems faced by Area Studies in a German context.

Museums Connect stands at the intersection of public history and public diplomacy. The program, which has both public history and public diplomacy agendas, is sponsored by the United States Department of State and administered by the American Alliance of Museums. This dissertation examines the competing impulses of transnational public history and public diplomacy made manifest in Museums Connect and its ramifications for public history theory and practice. The project demonstrates both the seeming similarities between public history’s ideas of shared authority, dialogic museum practice, and community engagement and public diplomacy’s “people-to-people” diplomacy, as well as the limits of these similarities. This dissertation also considers the ramifications of these dynamics on museum and public history practice and theory. It is shown that the assumptions of public diplomacy found in Museums Connect inform the program’s structure and operation, while also precluding a truly shared authority between the American museums and their international partners. The appointment of the American museums as “lead” museums and the Department of State’s choice to focus on young people as the target audience for the program foregrounds didactic relationships between the museums and their “communities” for the projects. Through three case studies of Museums Connect projects between the United States and Afghanistan, Morocco, and South Africa, this dissertation challenges the seminal theoretical literature of public history, articulated in Michael Frisch’s A Shared Authority, that interpretive and meaning-making authority in public history is inherently shared. Each case study reveals different factors that either promote or preclude more balanced power dynamics between the museums and their communities within the broader power dynamics established by the grant. Staff reflection-in-action, project activity and partner museum choice, and the non-American public history and museological contexts are all revealed to uniquely influence the dynamics between the museums and their communities. Throughout, the agency of the non-American participants, highlighted through the responses and reactions to the unequal dynamics of the projects, complicates notions of the singular democratic public sphere that underpin the paradigm of the museum as forum.

The current paper examines the dissimilarities that have occurred in news framing by state-sponsored news outlets in their different language versions. The comparative framing analysis is conducted on the news coverage of the Russian intervention in Syria (2016) in RT and Radio Liberty in Russian and English languages. The certain discrepancies in framing of this event are found in both news outlets. The strongest distinction between Russian and English versions occurred in framing of responsibility and humanitarian crisis in Syria. The study attempts to explain the identified differences in a framework of public diplomacy and propaganda studies. The existing theories explain that political ideology and foreign policy orientation influences principles of state propaganda and state-sponsored international broadcasting. However, the current findings suggest that other influence factors may exist in the field – such as the local news discourse and the journalistic principles. This conclusion is preliminary, as there are not many studies with the comparable research design, which could support the current discussion. The studies of localized strategies of the international media (whether private networks or state-funded channels) can refine the current conclusions and bring a new perspective to global media studies. / <p>This thesis was supported by the Swedish Institute (Svenska Institutet) </p>

<p><strong>Title:</strong> Images of Sweden in Italy</p><p><strong>Number of pages:</strong> 5252 (589 including enclosures)</p><p><strong>Author:</strong> Oskar Gustafsson</p><p><strong>Tutor: </strong>Martin Nilsson</p><p><strong>Course:</strong> Political Science C level – Bachelor’s Thesis</p><p><strong>Period: </strong>Spring term 2010</p><p><strong>University: </strong>School of Social Sciences</p><p>Linnaeus University</p><p><strong>Purpose/Aim:</strong> The purpose of my research study is to, through the use of political science theories on soft power and marketing theories about nation branding and in comparison to previous studies on the image of Sweden in Italy, gains a better understanding of the image of Sweden in Italy, with special focus on national political institutions and young Italians.</p><p><strong>Method: </strong>The method of analysis is a combination of qualitative methods: interviews where information about the image of Sweden amongst national political institutions were gathered and a survey where information was gathered about the image of Sweden amongst young Italians.</p><p><strong>Main results: </strong>On the basis of the results I have gained it can be concluded that a positive and well informed image of Sweden emerges when it comes to cultural and social factors but a more restricted and somewhat negative image come to light when asking national political institutions and young citizens in Italy about their views and knowledge on Swedish domestic and international politics and economics.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Soft power, Public Diplomacy, Nation Branding, Images of Sweden, Italy.</p>

Magistro darbe analizuojamas LR ambasadose formuojamas Lietuvos valstybės įvaizdis Europoje. Darbo objektas – komunikacinės ir viešųjų ryšių priemones, kuriomis diplomatai reprezentuoja valstybę, viešina ambasadoje vykstančius renginius ir bendrauja su užsienio tikslinėmis auditorijomis. Tyrimas buvo atliekamas keliais etapais. Pirmiausia, apibrėžtas Lietuvos diplomatinių atstovybių vaidmuo formuojant valstybės įvaizdį, identifikuotos naudojamos viešųjų ryšių priemonės ir bendravimo su auditorijomis būdai. Kaip ambasados įgyvendina komunikacines veiklas, analizuota pasitelkiant anketinę apklausą bei interviu su skirtingose Europos valstybėse dirbančiais diplomatais. Galiausiai atlikti interviu su ekspertais padėjo įvertinti diplomatinių ir komunikacinių veiklų tikslingumą bei valstybės įvaizdžio formavimo galimybes viešosios diplomatijos kontekste. Tyrimas atskleidė, jog skirtingose LR ambasadose yra naudojamos vienodos komunikacinės priemonės, kurių dažnumas priklauso nuo ambasadoje vykstančių renginių, dirbančių diplomatų skaičiaus bei turimo biudžeto. Tuo tarpu santykiai su žiniasklaida, kuri yra svarbus informacijos platinimo kanalas, atskirose valstybėse ne visada yra efektyvūs, nes ambasadų pateikiama informacija neretai laikoma propaganda bei lieka neaišku, ar žinutė pasiekė adresatą. Todėl daugiau dėmesio viešosios diplomatijos kontekste skiriama kultūriniams renginiams, kurie pristato ne tik šalį, bet ir atskirus jos kūrėjus, menininkus. Kultūrinė diplomatija... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In this master paper the image of Lithuania in Europe, formed by the embassies of the Republic of Lithuania, is being analyzed. The object of the paper- communication and public relations measures, which are used by diplomats to represent the state, to publicize the events occurring in the embassy and to communicate with foreign target audiences. The research was done in several stages. At first the role of the Lithuanian diplomatic missions of forming the image of the state was determined, measures public relations and methods of communication with audiences were identified. The ways how the embassies establish communication activities were analyzed using questioning survey and interviews with the diplomats working in different European states. Finally the interviews with experts helped to evaluate the expediency of the diplomatic and communication activities and the state image formation possibilities in the context of public diplomacy. The research revealed that in different embassies of the Republic of Lithuania the same communication measures were being used and the frequency depends on the events in the embassy, number of diplomats working and budget. Meanwhile the relations wit mass media - which is important channel of information distribution – is not always effective in different states, because the information presented by embassies is often seen as propaganda and it is unclear if the message reaches the target. Therefore in the context of public diplomacy more... [to full text]

The purpose of this dissertation is to describe and analyze how the Soviet Union attempted to win the sympathies of the Swedish population during the period 1945-1958 through the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS) and the Sweden-Soviet Union Societies. The dissertation includes the central Soviet decision-making apparatus’ general formulation of strategy and what means were to be used to win the sympathies of populations in other countries. Concerning VOKS’s work targeting Sweden, this dissertation examines the general strategies and means used in practice. This dissertation links these activities with realism which serves as an analytical framework. Realism focuses states seeking their security in the international system. Security is considered achievable through strategies for using different means of force, in this case, diplomacy and its sub-instruments in the form of soft power and public diplomacy. Immediately after World War II, VOKS was seen by the Soviets as a tool for countering American and British propaganda. VOKS’s reorganization in the early 1950s led to more country-specific activities. Increasingly in the 1950s VOKS sought out partners from outside organizations associated with national communist parties. This strategy aimed to optimally convey the message and to popularize the Soviet Union. This also led to a decline in VOKS’s importance. VOKS during the period 1945-1958 can be viewed as a collaborative project between the state and the party.  The Soviet Union, through VOKS, used the Sweden-USSR Society to popularize the country among the Swedish public. VOKS took increasingly greater control over the societies’ activities, which were reviewed and approved by the Soviet Embassy in Stockholm and VOKS in Moscow. To develop these societies, VOKS increased its efforts to influence the Communist Party of Sweden (SKP) to take part in the societies’ activities. At the suggestion of VOKS in Moscow, the local Sweden-USSR societies formed a national organization in the autumn of 1950 called the Sweden-Soviet Union Federation. After 1953, VOKS’s interest intensified in implementing and developing cultural collaborations with other actors in addition to the societies. Near the end of VOKS’s existence, representatives from the Soviet Embassy and VOKS tried to establish an intergovernmental cultural agreement with Sweden. However, no such agreement was ever signed. The Soviet Union continued to channel most of its public diplomacy toward Sweden through the societies.

Increased international competitiveness to host sport mega-events indicates their perceived value in stimulating regional and national economic, social and cultural development. In the context of broader governmental public opinion management strategies, sport mega-events hold the potential to mobilize soft power resources of the host country, expressed in values, culture and policies, and engage with and influence the publics of other countries. This thesis investigates the significance of sport mega-events for the host country’s public diplomacy strategies and practice by exploring the concepts of public diplomacy, sport mega-events, soft power and national image within a multi-disciplinary conceptual framework. The analysis of scholarly literature, official and media reports reveals how aspects of reputation, credibility, and legitimacy guide both foreign public opinion and the practice of public diplomacy in conjunction with sport mega-events. Moreover, international reputation of the host nation, including status, prestige and image, appeared to benefit the most as a result of strategic application of sport mega-events to public diplomacy. This can be achieved by proving functional reputation though demonstration of financial and organizational success. Alternatively, social reputation of the host is at risk of sustaining considerable damage as a result of resistance from social activists groups, thus requiring extensive damage control efforts of the host country's image. The conclusions drawn from this study raise significant questions about the potential of sport mega-events being effectively used for public diplomacy and the experience of the host governments, revealing functional competence as having the greatest potential to influence public diplomacy strategy built around hosting sport mega-events.