<p>U radu su istražene transformacije gradskog bloka tokom XX i početkom XXI veka. U cilju razumevanja ovih procesa i načina na koji arhitektonski sklopovi predstavljaju određene socijalne, društvene vrednosti kroz prostor, proučeni su različiti aspekti tih odnosa kao što su veze između određenih arhitektonskih i urbanističkih modela i društvenih okolnosti u kojima nastaju, kao i veze određenih modela življenja i prostornih sklopova kroz njihove uzore i tehnike nastajanja. Razumevanje odnosa između različitih prostornih nivoa, na vrstu i prirodu tranzicije između javnog, privatnog i kolektivnog, gde se gradski blok i njegove transformacije pojavljuju kao glavno mesto, polje tih odnosa čini značajan deo ovog rada.</p> / <p>This thesis explores the transformation of a urban block in the XX and at beginning XXI century. In order to understand these processes and the ways in which architectural assemblies represent certain social values through space, this thesis explores and identifies various aspects of these relations as links between specific architectural and urban models and social circumstances in which they occur, it also define relationship between certain models of living and spatial configarations through their ideals and techniques of becoming. Understanding the relationships between different spatial levels, the type and nature of the transition between the public, private and collective, where transformations of urban block apperes as the main place of these relationships is also important part of this thesis.</p>

In the midst of Frances revolution, and the shockwaves it sent all over Europe and further, another revolutionary change took place. It was the threat of literature. This paper studies certain political actor’s solutions to the challenges that faced but also shaped politics and the technologies themselves, such as reading, in England during the 1790’s. For many the spreading of literature was an end in itself. It held the enlightenment promise of a world runned by reason. But it was also a means. The intellectuals typically associated with the revolution in France, and the welcoming of it in England, – say Voltaire and Thomas Paine – were all well versed in the workings of literature. Pitted against the revolutionaries we usually find political actors such as Edmund Burke. This paper argues for more nuanced and historical understanding of the conflict, one that doesn’t give literature any inherent properties, as an a priori radical tool. We need to understand these technologies as something that there could be a different kind of solution to than repression, that Burke and his fellow hostiles to the revolution rather shaped these technologies in a mould that would fit their political cast. In this way there was, besides the ideological disputes, a struggle for the nature of literature. This took shape through a renewed interest in educating the people in institutions such as Sunday schools, and by press efforts like the magazine Anti-Jacobin; or, the weekly examiner, which form the basis of the study. This paper argues that they changed the rules of literature. Therefore it is not the immediate introduction of a technology or media that necessarily is revolutionary – not Gutenberg, nor Arpanet – but when it is spread to the people and when certain protocols for the media is shaped, that is, when they are assigned a function. This paper is a study of the shaping of literatures protocols and with that the anti-Jacobins themselves.

O presente estudo trata do conceito de esfera pública (Öffentlichkeit) na sociedade moderna a partir da teoria social de Niklas Luhmann. Não se trata, contudo, de mera exegese. É certo que a teoria luhmanniana é utilizada como guia do argumento e como referencial teórico básico, mas sua utilização é feita através de uma abordagem interdisciplinar que visa a dialogar tanto com a macro teoria dominante acerca da esfera pública (de Jürgen Habermas) quanto com problemas teóricos levantados por teorias de médio alcance que, preocupadas com a pesquisa empírica, evidenciaram problemas e fenômenos contemporâneos que não parecem ser passíveis de enfrentamento pela teoria habermasiana. Por isso, os desenvolvimentos da teoria dos sistemas sobre o conceito de esfera pública enfrentarão dois momentos de tensão: no primeiro Parte I do trabalho um enfrentamento teórico conceitual em face da teoria de Jürgen Habermas sobre a esfera pública, e no segundo Parte II com alguns problemas contemporâneos levantados para literatura atual: sua relação com o Estado e o sistema político, com os Tribunais Constitucionais, com os meios de comunicação em massa, com movimentos de protesto e com as pretensões de inclusão na sociedade mundial (Weltgesellschaft). / This study concern the concept of the public sphere (Öffentlichkeit) of modern society in the social theory of Niklas Luhmann. It is not, however, an exegetic study. Niklas Luhmanns theory constitutes the main guide-line of this study and functions as its basal theoretical framework. Nevertheless, the arguments here presented are carried on by an interdisciplinary approach, in order to perform a dialog not only with the dominant theory of the modern public sphere (Jürgen Habermas), but also with theoretical problems raised by middle range theories which are concerned which empirical research; and with contemporary problems and phenomena that do not seem to be tacked properly by the habermasian theory. Therefore, the systems theory model of modern public sphere faces two moments of tension: In the first one Part I it faces Jürgen Habermas theory of the public sphere. In the second Part II contemporary problems and issues are addressed: the relation among the public sphere, the State and the political system; the mass communication system; protest movements and the inclusion claims carried on in the world society (Weltgesellschaft).

This thesis investigates the affects of the French Revolution of 1789 and the Mexican Revolution of 1910 on gender roles in their respective societies. Women that contributed to political discourse challenged separations of public and private spheres, which dictated order in the late and postrevolutionary periods of France and Mexico. Given the deliberate acts by both postrevolutionary governments to send women to the periphery of their respective societies, it is vital to revisit the examples of female influence that shaped the early French and Mexican Revolutions. The understanding that comes from a detailed analysis of the parameters of gendered spaces before, during, and after revolution sheds light on the relationships between order and gender that determined the future of women in their respective postrevolutionary worlds.

台灣在解嚴以前，是個威權體制的國家，政府的統治透過龐大而嚴密的黨國機器，滲透並支配了大部分的公私領域，一般民眾鮮少有參與的機會，政策過程對於民眾而言，是個真正的大黑箱。在這種威權統治下的社會特性，就是去政治化和公民資格的無能化，，各種意見能夠相互交流詰辯的「公共領域」sphere）無由產生，民眾的「公民意識」無法形成，「公民 社會」的理想更只是個空中樓閣。解嚴之後，民主、自由的呼聲高漲，舊有的體制與規範土崩瓦解，新的價值和規範卻未能及時建立，導致社會處於一種混亂失序的狀態。國家與社會、政府與人民之間，仍舊是一種非對話的關係，政策制定仍崇尚科學技術的專業應用，獨尊專家的意見，所制定的公共政策重生產不重分配，且以犧牲部分階層利益來達成經濟成長 和升級的目標，致使追求效率與效能、經濟與管理的風潮，淹沒了昔日屬於人們社會生活與公共領域中較為崇高的道德理想和價值信念。在此同時，政策問題的本質也隨著科技與經濟的發展而產生變化：一方面由於各種科學技術的使用逐漸產生後遺症，，另一方面由於生活環境與生活品質的惡劣，使得不同類型的政策之間相互糾葛纏結，多元的利益互相競逐，這些型態的政策問題也因此在「公正」和「能力」兩個問題上，質疑了既存決策制度與決策程序的功能。而Habermas的公共領域和溝通理性的概念正好提供我們一個省思與解決的方向。本論文旨在探討公共領域在政策制定與執行過程中的角色和重要性，並運用Habermas的公共領域概念及其溝通行動理論，尤其是他對公共領域的結構變遷與生活世界的內在殖民化的分析，來澄清及探討形成前述政策困境的原因及癥結所在。其次透過溝通理性的彰顯，使公共性與公共利益得以具體呈現，確立公共哲學為公共領域中的核心哲學，及其在公共行政理論及實務中的重要性。進而以公共哲學為根基，探討重建公共領域之道，藉以形塑健全的公民社會，建構良性互動的國家與社會關係。

<p>This dissertation studies the ideas and political practices produced in the emerging rural public sphere in late Tsarist Estonia. The time period is characterized by radical social and economic change and growing national and political self consciousness. An underlying aim is to study the emergence and character of an agrarian ideology in Estonia, with a special concern paid for ideas on the organization of society.</p><p>The first section examines the emerging of Estonian language agricultural instruction books and agricultural journals. Studying the content and the advice on modernization and organization of farm work uncovers their underlying ideas on the organization of the rural society. The second section deals with the ideas and ideals presented in the agricultural instructions through the work of local agricultural associations and agricultural cooperatives. Finally the ideals of the agricultural instructions and the practice of the associations are studied on a national level, as expressed at the Agricultural Congresses 1899 and 1905 and the All-Estonian Congress 1905.</p><p>The study emphasizes the importance of the rural sphere in creating the foundation for the interwar Estonian society and shows significant ideological and organizational similarities between the Estonian agrarian movement and contemporary agrarian movements in Europe.</p>

<p>The theoretical discussion of how to define the public sphere relies on Jürgen Habermas’ analysis of the bourgeois public sphere. I the thesis I use two generalized models of both the bourgeois and the representative public sphere. I consider how well the two actors’ engagement in the public sphere fits the two models. By doing this it is possible to show that <i>both</i> models may be used, despite dealing with a time when, according to Habermas, the representative public sphere had disappeared and the bourgeois public sphere was in decline. </p><p>The two actors studied in this thesis emerged from state and society respectively, and therefore were governed by different circumstances in participating in public life. Despite these differences, I demonstrate that their strategies were very similar, and that largely the key issue for both was legitimacy, proven by their popularity, or in other words by their democratically public nature.</p><p>Thanks to a number of new activities, introduced within both organisations, the members became visible in a new way. One can describe it as form replacing content in both organisations, where the original core activities had to make way for new elements. In the thesis I argue for the value of studying <i>actions</i> in the public sphere rather than just models of it.</p><p>The need for these organisations to become, and preferably to remain, popular, arose from the changes that the public sphere itself underwent during the period, becoming what I choose to term a <i>popularised public sphere</i>. Participating in the public sphere then became a matter not only for striving for the right to criticise and influence public power, but equally well of demonstrating oneself to be a credible representative of the participants in public discourse. </p>

<p>Abstract:</p><p>Title: The popular blog – on updating and its effects on vistor statistics</p><p>Number of pages: 35</p><p>Author: Wilhelm von Sydow</p><p>Tutor: Else Nygren</p><p>Course: Media and Communication Studies C</p><p>Period: Autumn 2006</p><p>University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University</p><p>Purpose/Aim: To examine to which, if any, extent the update frequency of blogs affects their visitor statistics.</p><p>Material/Method: Quantitative method, Swedish blogs, visitor statistics and updating frequency.</p><p>Main results: No results could prove the causal effects of the relation between visitor statistics and updating frequency. A noticeable connection between the two variables could, however, be identified.</p><p>Keywords: Blog, update frequency, visitor statistics, quantitative, Habermas, public sphere, Else Nygren, intranet, Matt Haig, business websites</p>

The theoretical discussion of how to define the public sphere relies on Jürgen Habermas’ analysis of the bourgeois public sphere. I the thesis I use two generalized models of both the bourgeois and the representative public sphere. I consider how well the two actors’ engagement in the public sphere fits the two models. By doing this it is possible to show that both models may be used, despite dealing with a time when, according to Habermas, the representative public sphere had disappeared and the bourgeois public sphere was in decline. The two actors studied in this thesis emerged from state and society respectively, and therefore were governed by different circumstances in participating in public life. Despite these differences, I demonstrate that their strategies were very similar, and that largely the key issue for both was legitimacy, proven by their popularity, or in other words by their democratically public nature. Thanks to a number of new activities, introduced within both organisations, the members became visible in a new way. One can describe it as form replacing content in both organisations, where the original core activities had to make way for new elements. In the thesis I argue for the value of studying actions in the public sphere rather than just models of it. The need for these organisations to become, and preferably to remain, popular, arose from the changes that the public sphere itself underwent during the period, becoming what I choose to term a popularised public sphere. Participating in the public sphere then became a matter not only for striving for the right to criticise and influence public power, but equally well of demonstrating oneself to be a credible representative of the participants in public discourse.

This dissertation studies the ideas and political practices produced in the emerging rural public sphere in late Tsarist Estonia. The time period is characterized by radical social and economic change and growing national and political self consciousness. An underlying aim is to study the emergence and character of an agrarian ideology in Estonia, with a special concern paid for ideas on the organization of society. The first section examines the emerging of Estonian language agricultural instruction books and agricultural journals. Studying the content and the advice on modernization and organization of farm work uncovers their underlying ideas on the organization of the rural society. The second section deals with the ideas and ideals presented in the agricultural instructions through the work of local agricultural associations and agricultural cooperatives. Finally the ideals of the agricultural instructions and the practice of the associations are studied on a national level, as expressed at the Agricultural Congresses 1899 and 1905 and the All-Estonian Congress 1905. The study emphasizes the importance of the rural sphere in creating the foundation for the interwar Estonian society and shows significant ideological and organizational similarities between the Estonian agrarian movement and contemporary agrarian movements in Europe.