Neste trabalho examinamos a concepção de sociedade civil no pensamento social e político de Benjamin Franklin, cujas idéias exerceram grande influência na formação da mentalidade do homem do Novo Mundo. Essa mentalidade inaugura um novo modo de conceber a vida em sociedade, exaltando tudo o que se opõe aos valores da velha ordem. Contra o princípio da honra, os títulos de nobreza e a posição social dos indivíduos, ela exalta a virtude republicana, celebra o trabalho e reclama o respeito à dignidade humana, intrínseca a todos os homens independente da sua condição de nascimento. Não por acaso, virtude e trabalho aparecem como categorias centrais no pensamento de Benjamin Franklin. Longe de degradante, ele entendia o trabalho como energia vital do homem e expressão de sua liberdade. Além de ser um meio para obtenção da riqueza, o trabalho servia também para promover a virtude na medida em que libertava o homem da condição de pobreza, servilismo e dependência da boa vontade dos outros. A tese aí era de que o homem não pode ser considerado verdadeiramente livre se não for, ao mesmo tempo, politicamente livre e economicamente independente. Nesse sentido, sua concepção de sociedade se apresenta articulada com princípios que remontam a uma antiga tradição. É principalmente no ideal da civitas libera, ou Estado livre, que ela se inspira. Esse ideal havia predominado na Roma republicana de Tito Lívio, foi revivido e adaptado no renascimento italiano, sobretudo por Machiavel, e retomado no século XVII pelos defensores da causa republicana inglesa. No século XVIII, essa influência chegou até as colônias inglesas na América e teve em Franklin um dos seus principais representantes. / In this work we inspect the conception of civil society in the social and political ideas of Benjamin Franklin, which exerted large influence on the mentality constitution of the New World´s man. This mentality had initiated a new way to conceive the life in society exalting all that opposed the values of the old order. Against the principle of honor, the nobility titles, and the individual social position it exalts the republican virtue, celebrates the work, and claims respect for human dignity inherent to all men, not depending on their birth condition. Not by chance, virtue and work appears like central categories in the ideas of Benjamin Franklin. Far from conceiving it as shameful, he comprehended the work as the man´s vital energy and expression of his freedom. More than a way to obtain wealth, the work also attended to promote the virtue once it released man from the poverty and servility condition as much as from the dependence of the others good will. This theses utters that man couldn´t be considered free if he wasn´t at the same time politically free and economic independent. In this way, his conception of society seems articulated with doctrines that ascend an ancient tradition. It is mainly inspired by the ideal of civitas libera or the Free State. This ideal had predominated in the Republican Rome of Tito Livio, and then was relived and adapted by the Italian Renascence, mainly by Machiavelli, and was recovered by the defenders of the English republican cause, in the seventeenth century. This influence came to the English colonies in America in the eighteenth century, and it had in Franklin one of its main representatives.

A proposta desta dissertação é analisar a teoria da justiça republicana de Philip Pettit. Isso exige, inicialmente, o desenvolvimento de sua concepção de liberdade como não dominação, central para o modelo de republicanismo do autor. A partir deste concepção de liberdade, é possível a formulação de uma concepção de justiça republicana, a qual permite o desenvolvimento de instituições políticas destinadas a maximizar a não dominação nas relações entre os cidadãos e nas relações destes com o próprio Estado. Com referência às relações entre os cidadãos, Pettit apresenta instituições nacionais voltadas à infraestrutura, seguridade e defesa. Já as relações dos cidadãos com o Estado levam Pettit a formular uma teoria republicana da democracia, a qual possui um caráter tanto participativo quanto contestatório. Além disso, acreditamos que a teoria da justiça de Pettit, para se mostrar relevante no âmbito da teoria política normativa contemporânea, deve ser comparada com o liberalismo-igualitário de John Rawls, o qual ocupa posição de destaque neste debate. Assim, defenderemos o republicanismo de Philip Pettit como uma alternativa ao liberalismo de matriz rawlsiana, problematizando alguns pontos do pensamento deste autor. / The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze Philip Pettits republican theory of justice. This demands, initially, the development of his conception of freedom as nondomination, which is central to his republicanism. From this conception of freedom, its possible to develop a republican conception of justice, which allows us to design institutions encharged of maximizing non-domination on the relationships between citizens and between these citizens and the state. Regarding the relationship between citizens, Pettit develops domestic institutions on the domains of infrastructure, insurance, and insulation. And regarding the relationship between the people and the state, Pettit builds a republican theory of democracy, which has a system of participation and contestation. Besides this, we also believe that Pettits theory of justice, in order to prove its relevance on the contemporary normative political theory, needs to be compared with John Rawls liberal-egalitarianism, a doctrine that has a prominent site on this debate. Therefore, we stand up for Philip Pettits republicanism as a alternative to the Rawlsian republicanism, but also stress some problematic issues on the work of the former.

In April 1919, the Trades and Labour Council of Limerick County, Ireland, declared a general strike in response to the increasingly militarised policing of the region by the British authorities. A Strike Committee, consisting of local activists, assumed governance of Limerick for two weeks. While various attempts have been made to uncover this largely forgotten chapter of Irish history, the voices and perspectives of workers who initiated and sustained the general strike remain largely absent from the historical record. Therefore, this thesis utilises newspapers and documents produced by local activists in order to assess workers’ motivations for embracing direct action and participating in this radical act of protest. Firstly, I will discuss how the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union (ITGWU) capitalised on the perceived shortcomings of craft unions and parliamentary strategies by offering a more self-sufficient model of labour activism. Additionally, I will challenge the notion that direct action in Limerick was a fundamentally ‘pragmatic’ endeavour by exploring various ideological currents which inspired workers to participate in the general strike. The Limerick Soviet was not only conceived as a response to specific grievances but was framed by some participants as an act of defiance against both capitalism and British colonialism. Consequently, this thesis will examine how global anti-colonialist and anti-capitalist ideologies and movements influenced the political climate of Limerick between 1916 and 1920. This thesis will also demonstrate the capacity of local activists to adapt and amend ideologies they encountered in order to suit the particularities of the local economic and political climate.

In this article, I locate the Critical Theoretic and Republican themes of misrecognition and domination in transnational democracy, viewed as an emancipatory project. Contrary to John Dryzek, I argue that transnational democracy requires an appropriate account of mutual recognition and personal integrity in order to ground the emancipatory dimension of this project, especially given Dryzek's analysis of transnational contests in forming personal identifications. Beyond this, I argue that the same themes are needed to supplement James Bohman's account of the normative powers of dominated persons to initiate deliberation in circumstances of injustice. Primarily, my claim has been that the idea of personal integrity remains essential not only to motivating the project of transnational democracy, but also modifying the appeal to normative powers in the interest of enabling dominated persons to enter into communicative relationships and engage in public processes of critical self-examination.

Hegel may be read as endorsing a republican conception of freedom as non-domination. This may then be allied to an expressive conception of freedom not as communal integration and non-alienation, but rather as the development of new powers and capabilities. To this extent, he may be understood as occupying a position between nondomination and expressive freedom. This not only informs contemporary discussions of republicanism and democracy, but also suggests a ‘capabilities solution’ to the otherwise intractable problem of the rabble.

It is striking that many white southerners enthusiastically went to war in 1861, and that within four years a large number of them became apathetic or even openly hostile toward the Confederacy. By far, nonslaveholders composed the greatest portion of the disaffected. This work interprets the Confederate war experience within a republican framework in order to better understand how such a drastic shift in opinion could take place. Southern men fought for highly personal reasons--to protect their own liberty, independence, and to defend the rough equality between white men. They believed the Confederacy was the best guarantor of these ideals. Southerners' experiences differed widely from their expectations. White men perceived the war as an assault against their dominance and equality. The military was no protector of individual rights. The army expected recruits to conform to military discipline and standards. Officers oversaw their men's behavior and physically punished those who broke the rules. Southerners believed they were treated in a servile manner. Legislation from Richmond brought latent class tensions to the surface, making it clear to nonslaveholders that they were not the planters' equals. Wives, left alone to care for their families, found it difficult to live in straitened times. Increasingly, women challenged the patriarchal order by stepped outside of traditional gender roles to care for their families. Wartime changes left many men feeling confused and emasculated. Southerners, who willingly fought the Yankees to defend their freedoms, turned against the Confederacy when it encroached upon their independence. Many withdrew their support from the war. Some hid crops from impressment agents or refused to enlist, while others actually or symbolically attacked the planter elite or deserted. / Master of Arts

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Republicanism and the American Gothic is a comparative study of British and American literature and culture in the 1790s and 1950s. As the title indicates, this thesis explores the republican tradition of the British Enlightenment and the effect of its translation and migration to the American colonies. Specifically, it examines in detail the transatlantic influence of seventeenth and eighteenth century libertarian and anti-authoritarian thought on British and American Revolutionary culture. It argues that whether radical or orthodox, Whig or Tory, the quarrel surrounding the movement from subject to citizen nourishes Gothic aesthetics on both sides of the Atlantic. In America, particularly, the discourse of republicanism articulates not only the nation’s revolutionary goals, but defines national consciousness. This thesis further argues that republicanism is also a panic-ridden ideology, animated by fears of corruption, degeneration, and tyranny, and therefore supplies fertile ground for the development of a Gothic tradition in America. This dissertation then examines the continuing relevance of republican values and discourse in Cold War America. It suggests that the aesthetic, moral, and political imperatives that characterized republicanism in the late eighteenth century re-emerge in the post-war era as an antidote to the contemporary crisis in liberal subjectivity. In the Cold War, Gothic tales featuring doubles, vampires, and conspirators, not only dramatize contemporary fears of communism, conformity, and the rise of mass culture, but also engage with the nation’s historical fears of deception, corruption, degeneration, and tyranny. While grounded in the Gothic novel, this thesis is informed by the theory of republicanism that arose in the post-war years and which came to challenge many of the long held views of American revolutionary history. This thesis attempts to explore the influence of this historical approach on Cold War discourse generally, and on Gothic fiction specifically.

submitted by Suen Bing. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 87-90). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter One: --- Republicanism and Progressive Historical Interpretations / What is Republicanism? --- p.7 / Republicanism as a Guiding Philosophy in Progressive Historical Scholarship --- p.16 / Chapter Chapter Two: --- Frederick Jackson Turner's Frontier Democracy: A Republican Way of Thinking / How Turner's thesis related frontier conditions with democracy? --- p.20 / In what way is Turner's thesis affected by republicanism? --- p.24 / A trace of republican idealism in Turner's later articles --- p.26 / The safety valve hypothesis: A supplement to Turner's free land ´ؤ democracy relationship --- p.31 / Free land - democracy vs. Education - democracy --- p.35 / Chapter Chapter Three: --- Industrial Democracy and American Civilization: The Two Sides of Charles A. Beard's Republican Thinking / The Industrial Society (1901) --- p.42 / An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States (1913) --- p.46 / "Contemporary American History, 1877-1913 (1914)" --- p.51 / The Rise of American Civilization (1927) --- p.54 / The American Spirit (1942) --- p.58 / Chapter Chapter Four: --- William Appleman Williams' Inheritance of Progressive Historians' Republican Tradition / American Russian Relations: 1871 ´ؤ1947 and The Tragedy of American Diplomacy --- p.64 / The Contours of American History --- p.72 / Great Evasion and Empire as a Way of Life --- p.77 / Conclusion --- p.83 / Bibliography --- p.87