The underage marriage of girls (UMG) practice by some parents continues to occur in Bo Town, Sierra Leone, and it is a problem. Regardless of the negative consequences, parents continue to marry off their young girls who become wives of rebels and participate in the civil war. The purpose of this qualitative case study was to explore the perceptions of adult women between 18 and 24 who experienced child marriage, parents who married off their young girls, and community leaders to understand why the UMG persisted in Bo Town. The theoretical frameworks used in this study were the social cognitive theory and self-efficacy behavioral theory. Data were collected through semi structured interviews. Participants in this study consisted of 5 community leaders, 5 adult women between 18 and 24 who experienced UMG before 18 years old, and 5 parents who married off their underage girls in the Bo Town district. Interview transcripts were analyzed, coded, and 16 themes emerged. Some of the themes included poverty, lack of awareness, education, enforcement, monitoring, leadership, child marriage, domestic violence, accountability, responsibility, dowry payment, and female genital mutilation. The findings may influence social change by using practices such as educating, monitoring, enforcing the banning of the UMG policy relentlessly. Furthermore, implementation of mentorship programs, counseling, leadership, and awareness training to young girls and parents could reduce the UMG practice in Bo Town. Consequently, if young girls are educated and allowed access to resources, they could become empowered and productive members of society as a whole, and the UMG problem may diminish in the Bo community.

In here, the criminalization of sexual violence is a manifestation of increased recognition of feminism, and proof of international law reaching at liberal criteria for legitimization. Though, in making conclusions other necessary criteria for fully recognized legitimacy are acknowledged (such as other types of rights, types of security and other levels for analysis). Though, from a strict feminist critical approach the criminalization of sexual violence, and the extent of such criminalization can by itself prove legitimacy or illegitimacy.The criminalizing of sexual violence took place over 100 years ago, yet the systematic use of it in warfare was not publicly condemned until the ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda) and the ICTY (International Criminal Tribunal of former Yugoslavia) (Buss, 2009, p. 356) took on the duty to prosecute and convict. Still today women’s security and sexual violence are research fields that awake a lot of hostile emotions.Findings show that there is few, if any, affects for those tribunals that fail to bring justice to rape victims; calling for an analysis of Walzer’s political fit. The international praxis of impunity supports feminism in an existing ‘male truth’ risking the security of women. The legitimacy of the institution of international law is, however, not dependent on one legal procedure.Liberalist and feminist different interpretations of adequate necessity to create peace frame after 15 224 words a utilitarian illusion which slows down the pace of the implementation of a feminist security agenda. However, the progress is still evidence of strife towards the Kantian society of states. An inconsistent moral consensus finally results in the conclusion that this thesis cannot confirm the institution of international law illegitimate, arguably validating legitimacy.

Depuis la fin du vingtième siècle, l’attention de la communauté internationale s’est portée sur l’utilisation de l’enfant soldat dans les conflits armés. La prolifération d’armes légères, la pauvreté et la multiplication des conflits armés non internationaux sont autant de facteurs à l’origine du phénomène. De nombreux instruments de protection des droits de l’enfant prévoient l’interdiction du recrutement et de l’utilisation d’enfants soldats dans les hostilités. Malgré les lacunes normatives qui s’en dégagent, notamment à propos de l’âge de recrutement de l’enfant soldat, d’importants efforts ont été fournis par la communauté internationale. Ces efforts vont être complétés grâce à la Cour pénale internationale, en particulier avec l’affaire Thomas Lubanga, première personne à être poursuivie devant la Cour, et sur le seul chef d’accusation de crime de guerre consistant à procéder à l’enrôlement ou la conscription d’enfants de moins de quinze ans, et à utiliser ces derniers en vue de les faire participer activement à des hostilités. Ce premier verdict historique institue une jurisprudence inédite et fondatrice en matière de crimes de guerre pour enrôlement et utilisation d’enfants soldats, dont l’héritage pourra faciliter d’autres poursuites sur le plan national. Si l’enfant soldat apparaît comme une victime, il est aussi acteur aux hostilités. Bien souvent, lorsque l’on parle du phénomène d’enfants soldats, un amalgame est opéré entre deux antonymes : victime et bourreau. Comment le droit international appréhende-t-il la responsabilité pénale de l’enfant soldat ? Assiste-t-on à la généralisation d’un statut ou à un « dénominateur commun » ? / Since the end of the 20th century, the eyes of the international community have been focused on the utilization of child soldier in armed conflicts. The proliferation of small arms and light weapons, of poverty, and especially of non international armed conflicts, are crucial factors underlying the phenomenon. Numerous rights of the child protection instruments plan the ban on recruiting and using children as soldiers in hostilities. Despite the normative gaps that emerge, regarding in particular the hiring age of the child soldier, important efforts have been provided by the whole international community. These efforts are going to be completed by the International Criminal Court, in particular with the Thomas Lubanga case, first person brought before the Court, under the unique charge of war crime, namely enlisting or conscripting children under the age of fifteen years, and using them to participate actively in hostilities. This first historical verdict sets up a novel and founding case law regarding war crimes of enlistment and use of child soldiers, which legacy may make other proceedings easier on a national level. If the child soldier appears as a victim, he is also a player in hostilities. When dealing with the child soldier phenomenon, a confusion is quite often made between two antonyms : victim and executioner. How does the international law treat the criminal liability of the child soldier ? Are we witnessing the generalization of a status or, at least, a common denominator ?

La reconnaissance du droit de participation et du droit à réparation des victimes est l’évolution la plus remarquable des dernières décennies dans le domaine des droits nationaux et dans le cadre de la justice pénale internationale. Les Juridictions Pénales Internationales construisent le statut des victimes. Confrontés à des concepts innovants, les juges doivent créer des précédents et organiser les modalités des droits des victimes. Ils doivent allier la coordination de la représentation légale de milliers de victimes avec les impératifs de la justice. Au vu des premières décisions, la place des victimes est acquise puisque les juges ont accepté leur participation. Cependant, leur interprétation des règles apporte de sérieuses restrictions aux droits des victimes dans la pratique. La participation des victimes n’est pas pleinement effective et leur réparation se révèle exceptionnelle. Ainsi, l’intérêt de l’étude de la jurisprudence réside dans la détermination du statut réel des victimes au sein des procès internationaux et l’importance des droits appliqués. Des évolutions positives sont possibles en faveur de la reconnaissance du statut de parties au procès et de l’effectivité des droits des victimes. / The recognition of the right to participate and the right to reparation to the victimes is the most remarkable evolution of these last decades in the national laws and in the International Criminal Justice. The International Criminal Jurisdictions built the victims’ status. Confronted to innovative concepts, the judges have to create precedents and organise the modalities of the victim’s rights. They have to combine the coordination of the legal representation of thousands of victims with the necessity of justice. In view of the first decisions, the place of the victimes is established since the judges grant them the right to participate. However, their interpretation of the rules brings serious limitations to the rights of the victims in the practice. The victims’ participation is not fully applied and their reparation turns out to be exceptionnal. So, the interest of the jurisprudence study resides in the determination of the real status of the victims in the international trial and the importance of the granted rights. Positive evolutions can be made in favor of the recognition of the status of parties in the trial and the effectiveness of the rigths of the victims.

Thesis (MMil (Military Sciences. School for Security and Africa Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the feasibility of the concept Developmental Peace Missions (DPMs). It seeks to answer the question whether DPMs is an ambitious construct or a feasible ideal and whether DPMs could be effectively applied during peace missions. The study takes the form of a descriptive analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of the concept of DPMs, and includes the analysis of various relevant case studies in terms of the application of the concept of DPMs. The study further explores the evolution that has taken place in terms of United Nations peace missions, in that most modern peace missions include both peacekeeping and peacebuilding initiatives. The study also illustrates the modern approach to peace missions, based on an integrated systems-thinking approach by means of which the activities of all relevant role-players are integrated and fused towards a common end state: that of sustained security and development. In order to analyse the concept of DPMs, the theoretical underpinnings of the concept human security, the security-development nexus and peacebuilding were researched in depth. These concepts were then coupled to the concept of DPMs in terms of their utility during current complex peace missions, both internationally and on the African continent. The concept of DPMs was studied in the context of contemporary peacekeeping in terms of three case studies, namely the peace missions in Kosovo, Sierra Leone and the DRC. The DPMs concept was applied to these case studies and analysed in terms of the extent to which the peace interventions in these countries were conducted in accordance with the philosophical and theoretical underpinnings of DPMs. The study concludes that DPMs, in terms of its theoretical basis, is indeed a feasible ideal for peace missions, as it is based on and in line with the approved current UN- and AU-integrated planning processes. However, in terms of its practical utility in Africa, it currently remains an ambitious construct, given the limited capacity and resources of the AU and regional organisations. Therefore, DPMs should not be viewed as a short-term solution to, or panacea for, all intra-state wars. The study proposes that the UN, the AU, as well as relevant regional organisations will have to adjust and make changes in terms of their institutions, structures, funding and the provision of resources in order to operationalise the concept of DPMs successfully. This is especially true as far as the AU is concerned, as the AU currently experiences severe limitations in both material and human resources. However, the fact that both the UN and the AU have adopted the Integrated Mission Planning Process concept as planning tool for their respective missions is an indication that progress is being made towards the achievement of establishing a more holistic and integrated approach to finding sustainable solutions to global conflict. Ultimately, the success of DPMs will be determined by the will and commitment of all the relevant role-players involved in finding a lasting solution to intra-state conflicts. The concept itself cannot provide sustainable peace and development. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Dié tesis verken die lewensvatbaarheid van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings. Daar sal gepoog word om ‘n antwoord te kry op die vraag of Ontwikkelingsvredesendings ‘n ambisieuse konstruk of ‘n haalbare ideal is. Verder sal gepoog word om te bepaal of dit effektief tydens vredesoperasies toegepas kan word. Die studie neem die vorm aan van ‘n beskrywende analise van die teoretiese grondbeginsels van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings en sluit die analise van verskeie relevante gevallestudies ten opsigte van die begrip in. Die studie ondersoek die evolusie wat plaasgevind het ten opsigte van vredesendings wat deur die Verenigde Nasies (VN) onderneem word, naamlik dat die meeste moderne vredesendings, vredesbewarings, sowel as vredesbou (nasiebou) inisiatiewe insluit. Die studie illustreer ook die moderne benadering wat ten opsigte van vredesendings toegepas word, naamlik dat die aktiwiteite van al die betrokke rolspelers geïntegreer word en op ‘n gedeelde einddoel gefokus word. Die teoretiese grondstelllings van die begrippe veiligheid en ontwikkeling, die veiligheid-ensekuriteit- neksus, sowel as die begrip van vredesbou (nasiebou) is in diepte ondersoek ten einde die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings te analiseer. Hierdie begrippe is daarna in verband gebring met die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings soos wat dit tans tydens moderne komplekse vredesendings toegepas word – beide internasionaal sowel as op die Afrika kontinent. Die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings is bestudeer teen die agtergrond van eietydse vredesbewaring ten opsigte van drie gevallestudies, naamlik die intervensies in Kosovo, Sierra Leone en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo. Hierdie drie gevallestudies is gekies aangesien dit die eerste sendings was waartydens die VN die nuwe geïntegreerde benadering tot vredesendings, soos in die Brahimi-verslag aanbeveel, toegepas is. Die studie het bevind dat Ontwikkelingsvredesendings, wat betref die teoretiese grondstellings inderdaad uitvoerbaar is, aangesien dit gebaseer is op en in ooreenstemming is met die huidige aanvaarde beplanninsprosesse van die VN en die AU. Maar, wat betref die praktiese bruikbaarheid van die begrip in Afrika, bly dit tans ‘n ambisieuse konstruk, gegewe die beperkte vermoë en hulpbronne van die AU en streeksorganisasies. Die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings moet dus nie as ‘n korttermynoplossing vir alle interne oorloë beskou word nie. Die studie het bevind dat die VN, die AU, sowel as die betrokke streeksorganisasies, ingrypende veranderings sal moet ondergaan ten einde die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings suksesvol te kan toepas, veral ten opsigte van strukture, befondsing en die voorsiening van hulpbronne. Dit is veral waar in die geval van die AU, aangesien die AU tans geweldige uitdagings in die gesig staar wat betref menslike sowel as materiële hulpbronne. Ten spyte van laasgenoemde uitdagings dui die aanvaarding van die Geïntegreerde Sendingbeplanningsproses as besluitnemings-meganisme deur beide die VN en die AU op die vordering wat gemaak word ten opsigte van die daarstelling van ‘n meer holistiese en geïntegreerde benadering vir volhoubare oplossings vir konflik. Die sukses van Ontwikkelingsvredesendings sal uiteindelik bepaal word deur die wil en toewyding van alle betrokkenes by die soeke na langdurige vrede – die begrip op sigself kan nie volhoubare vrede en ontwikkeling bewerkstellig nie.

This thesis critiques liberal peacebuilding in Africa, with a particular focus on Sierra Leone. In particular, it examines the interface between the liberal peace and the “local”, the forms of agency that various local actors are expressing in response to the liberal peace and the hybrid forms of peace that are emerging in Sierra Leone. The thesis is built from an emerging critical literature that has argued for the need to shift from merely criticising liberal peacebuilding to examining local and contextual responses to it. Such contextualisation is crucial mainly because it helps us to develop a better understanding of the complex dynamics on the ground. The aim of this thesis is not to provide a new theory but to attempt to use the emerging insights from the critical scholarship through adopting the concept of hybridity in order to gain an understanding of the forms of peace that are emerging in post-conflict zones in Africa. This has not been comprehensively addressed in the context of post-conflict societies in Africa. Yet, much contemporary peace support operations are taking place in these societies that are characterised by multiple sources of legitimacy, authority and sovereignty. The thesis shows that in Sierra Leone local actors – from state elites to chiefs to civil society to ordinary people on the “margins of the state” – are not passive recipients of the liberal peace. It sheds new light on how hybridity can be created “from below” as citizens do not engage in outright resistance, but express various forms of agency including partial acceptance and internalisation of some elements of the liberal peace that they find useful to them; and use them to make demands for reforms against state elites who they do not trust and often criticise for their pre-occupation with political survival and consolidation of power. Further, it notes that in Sierra Leone a “post-liberal peace” that is locally-oriented might emerge on the “margins of the state” where culture, custom and tradition are predominant, and where neo-traditional civil society organisations act as vehicles for both the liberal peace and customary peacebuilding while allowing locals to lead the peacebuilding process. In Sierra Leone, there are also peace processes that are based on custom that are operating in parallel to the liberal peace, particularly in remote parts of the country.

La guerre civile en Sierra Leone débute en 1991 et dure jusqu’en 2002.Encore aujourd’hui, les analystes sont assez partagés sur ses causes, notamment lesmotivations des rebelles du Front Révolutionnaire Uni (RUF), mouvement àl’origine des hostilités. De son entrée en Sierra Leone à nos jours, le RUF a étél’objet de plusieurs débats et critiques, tant sur son organisation que sur sesméthodes guerrières. En questionnant d’abord la capacité organisationnelle de cemouvement, la thèse a pour objet de contextualiser les arguments souvent associésavec des guerres civiles de ce type. Ils insistent sur l’absence de sens : ces conflitsillustreraient d’abord une situation de chaos total. Elles seraient aussi laconséquence de l’absence ou de la défaillance d’un État.Cette présente étude s’inscrit dans le prolongement des débats sur le RUF.Elle démontre que ce dernier n’était pas si désorganisé que ce que racontent lescommentateurs, avertis ou non. Cette opinion répandue résulte notamment d’unemédiatisation intense de son usage intensif de la violence extrême, très réellecependant. Le RUF n’était pas qu’un groupe de voleurs de diamants sanguinairesmais aussi une force assez structurée avec une logique hiérarchique claire, voireune idéologie. Grâce à ces facteurs, il a mis en place des structures lui permettantd’établir les relations de gouvernant à gouvernés avec les populations urbainessous son contrôle. Cette force rebelle a instauré un mode de gestion de lacollectivité. Cela a modifié la nature de ce groupe armé, devenu, dans les zonessous son contrôle, un « appareil administratif » civil, loin d’être toujoursperformant mais bien identifiable comme tel.En juxtaposant les interactions complexes d’une gouvernance quotidienne,la thèse met en lumière les méthodes de gouvernance du RUF et les aspects dits« normaux » de la vie dans ces villes en guerre. Elle analyse les variables de larelation entre les membres du mouvement rebelle occupant ces communes et lapopulation locale. Une fois une ville conquise, les rebelles sont obligés d’y fairequelque chose. Le RUF impose un « système administratif » instaurant un ordre devie en commun dans toute cette zone.L’étude analyse donc ces outils de la gouvernance civile, mobilisés entemps de guerre. Au cours de cet étude, plusieurs recherches de terrain en SierraLeone, ont été menées. Ces séjours sur place ont permis la réalisation de plusieursentretiens, individuels et collectifs. Ils soutiennent les idées générales exposéesdans cette thèse. / The war in Sierra Leone began in 1991 and ended in 2002. Analysts remaindivided on the question of its cause, particularly on the issue of the motivations ofthe rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF), the armed group which started thehostilities. From its entry into Sierra Leone to date; the RUF has been the subjectof much debate and criticism, both on its organization and its methods of wagingwar. By asking questions relating to the organizational capacity of the RUF, thisstudy aims to contextualize the central arguments often associated with civil warsof the Sierra Leonean kind: they insist on the absence of meaning; these conflictsillustrate a situation of chaos and/or are devoid of political reflections. They arealso the consequence of the absence or failure of a State.This present study continues these discussions in relation to the RUF, bydemonstrating that this guerilla force was not as disorganized as often portrayed,despite increased media coverage on its use of violence. The RUF was not a groupof murderous diamond thieves but also quite structured with a clear hierarchicallogic or ideology. Through this internal organisation, it set up structures toestablish governor/governed relations with urban populations under its control.The rebel force thus established a system to manage these local communities. Suchconsiderations changed the nature of the armed group in the areas under itscontrol, where it established a civil "administrative unit", far from being efficientbut identifiable as such.By juxtaposing the complex interactions of daily governance, the thesishighlights the governance practices of the RUF and the aspects that characterise"normal" life in these « war torn » towns. It analyzes the variables of therelationship between members of the rebel movement occupying these towns andthe local population. Once a town is conquered, the rebels are forced to dosomething there, an "administrative system" establishing an order of coexistence inthe whole area is imposed.The study therefore analyzes the tools of civil governance, mobilized intime of war. During this study, several field research trips to Sierra Leone, wereconducted. These trips have allowed the realization of several interviews,individual and collective. They support the general ideas presented in this thesis.

La guerre civile en Sierra Leone débute en 1991 et dure jusqu'en 2002. Encore aujourd'hui, les analystes sont assez partagés sur ses causes, notamment les motivations des rebelles du Front Révolutionnaire Uni (RUF), mouvement à l'origine des hostilités. De son entrée en Sierra Leone à nos jours, le RUF a été l'objet de plusieurs débats et critiques, tant sur son organisation que sur ses méthodes guerrières. En questionnant d'abord la capacité organisationnelle de ce mouvement, la thèse a pour objet de contextualiser les arguments souvent associés avec des guerres civiles de ce type. Ils insistent sur l'absence de sens : ces conflits illustreraient d'abord une situation de chaos total. Elles seraient aussi la conséquence de l'absence ou de la défaillance d'un État. Cette présente étude s'inscrit dans le prolongement des débats sur le RUF. Elle démontre que ce dernier n'était pas si désorganisé que ce que racontent les commentateurs, avertis ou non. Cette opinion répandue résulte notamment d'une médiatisation intense de son usage intensif de la violence extrême, très réelle cependant. Le RUF n'était pas qu'un groupe de voleurs de diamants sanguinaires mais aussi une force assez structurée avec une logique hiérarchique claire, voire une idéologie. Grâce à ces facteurs, il a mis en place des structures lui permettant d'établir les relations de gouvernant à gouvernés avec les populations urbaines sous son contrôle. Cette force rebelle a instauré un mode de gestion de la collectivité. Cela a modifié la nature de ce groupe armé, devenu, dans les zones sous son contrôle, un " appareil administratif " civil, loin d'être toujours performant mais bien identifiable comme tel. En juxtaposant les interactions complexes d'une gouvernance quotidienne, la thèse met en lumière les méthodes de gouvernance du RUF et les aspects dits " normaux " de la vie dans ces villes en guerre. Elle analyse les variables de la relation entre les membres du mouvement rebelle occupant ces communes et la population locale. Une fois une ville conquise, les rebelles sont obligés d'y faire quelque chose. Le RUF impose un " système administratif " instaurant un ordre de vie en commun dans toute cette zone. L'étude analyse donc ces outils de la gouvernance civile, mobilisés en temps de guerre. Au cours de cet étude, plusieurs recherches de terrain en Sierra Leone, ont été menées. Ces séjours sur place ont permis la réalisation de plusieurs entretiens, individuels et collectifs. Ils soutiennent les idées générales exposées dans cette thèse.

This Sierra Leone Conflict arose from the society’s failure to institutionalize the requisite post-conventional organizing principle for collective will formation and for conflict resolution. In this post-traditional society - one artificially constructed from diverse political and cultural groups, without a shared ethos – only mutual (communicative) understanding can resolve differences and ensure solidarity. A lack of mutual understanding overburdens the adaptive capacity of the society, creating crises tendencies. Repression only intensified these tendencies, ensuring their eventual catastrophic explosion, 11 years civil conflict. State hindrances to social (communicative) interaction rendered the society incapable of realizing the requisite post conventional moral learning i.e. the social intelligence or problem-solving equipment required to resolve conflict, decolonize itself, neutralize normative power, shed dogmatic consciousness, change oppressive conventions, and influential customs. Thus, the study promotes civic virtues of post conventional morality (justice, truthfulness, moral rightness) as the key for liberating the society from its crisis-inducing colonial organizing principle. As the basis of sociology, the discipline the remains focused on society-wide problems, the theory of social evolution is adopted here to reconstruct the crisis in Sierra Leone’s constitutional democratic development. The study uses the rational reconstructive method to explicate problematic validity claims of norms, policy decisions, or the social order. The social order was rendered crisis-ridden because the reasons - the axis around which mutual understanding revolve - adduced for it cannot admit of consensus. The emerging social disintegration exemplifies use of deficient logic in social interaction, one below the requisite categorical moral cognitive consciousness. For this research, colonization is not necessarily externally induced, but forms of understanding in the political, legal, social, and educational interactions. The key point of the study is this: today Sierra Leone achieves solidarity, and decolonize from its conventional organizing principle, only if the state, economy, and civil society can find their limit in the socio-cultural domain.

This Sierra Leone Conflict arose from the society’s failure to institutionalize the requisite post-conventional organizing principle for collective will formation and for conflict resolution. In this post-traditional society - one artificially constructed from diverse political and cultural groups, without a shared ethos – only mutual (communicative) understanding can resolve differences and ensure solidarity. A lack of mutual understanding overburdens the adaptive capacity of the society, creating crises tendencies. Repression only intensified these tendencies, ensuring their eventual catastrophic explosion, 11 years civil conflict. State hindrances to social (communicative) interaction rendered the society incapable of realizing the requisite post conventional moral learning i.e. the social intelligence or problem-solving equipment required to resolve conflict, decolonize itself, neutralize normative power, shed dogmatic consciousness, change oppressive conventions, and influential customs. Thus, the study promotes civic virtues of post conventional morality (justice, truthfulness, moral rightness) as the key for liberating the society from its crisis-inducing colonial organizing principle. As the basis of sociology, the discipline the remains focused on society-wide problems, the theory of social evolution is adopted here to reconstruct the crisis in Sierra Leone’s constitutional democratic development. The study uses the rational reconstructive method to explicate problematic validity claims of norms, policy decisions, or the social order. The social order was rendered crisis-ridden because the reasons - the axis around which mutual understanding revolve - adduced for it cannot admit of consensus. The emerging social disintegration exemplifies use of deficient logic in social interaction, one below the requisite categorical moral cognitive consciousness. For this research, colonization is not necessarily externally induced, but forms of understanding in the political, legal, social, and educational interactions. The key point of the study is this: today Sierra Leone achieves solidarity, and decolonize from its conventional organizing principle, only if the state, economy, and civil society can find their limit in the socio-cultural domain.