This dissertation traces Social Security policymaking through most of its post-enactment history in search of ideational processes and schema in path-dependent, path-shaping, and path-breaking modes of institutional persistence and change. The study is grounded in the historical institutionalist literature, specifically the recent debate about the utility of path dependence frameworks in incorporating institutional change, with a particular focus on ideas as stimuli. As a case for tracing path-dependent policy processes, Social Security is overbroad. This breadth requires focusing more narrowly on the interaction between the major coalitions, business/conservative and liberal/labor, on retirement and disability pension (but not health care) issues through the venue of Social Security Advisory Councils. Council is used as a catch-all label for the six-decade succession of (mostly) citizen groups appointed by the secretary of HEW, Senate Finance Committee, and, in one case, the president to deliberate questions of Social Security policy and recommend changes, often enacted into law. A pattern-matching analysis points to a moderate level of path dependence, indicating that the exchange of ideas between coalitions fits the larger consensual pattern of give and take around an existing arrangement. An ideational narrative reveals early negotiations over the emphasis placed on equity versus adequacy, with manifestly ideational exchanges in the 1996 Council's deliberations marking a turning point in the coalitional interaction. A key implication of this research for the application of path dependence frameworks to U.S. political institutions like Social Security is to buttress moderate path dependence arguments, for instance, those advanced by Hacker and Pierson (2002), and to discount the relevance of path-shaping narratives that have been fashioned from European examples (Cox 2004). Yet the research also modifies understanding of path dependence as a self-perpetuating function of increasing returns by identifying an ideational strand that bound both coalitions to social insurance principles. Path-breaking developments apparent in the 1996 Council further implicated new ideas as institutional factors contributing to the loss of historical consensus on Social Security, bolstering the notion of ideational processes as an element of institutional persistence and pressing the argument for further research into ideas as dynamic elements fostering institutional change. / Ph. D.

Este trabalho analisa as condições atuariais para criação do Fundo previdenciário federal (FUNPRESP) e como será o novo sistema previdenciário após o funcionamento desse Fundo que finalmente concluirá, em âmbito federal, as reformas iniciadas em 1998. A partir desse estudo concluímos que o novo sistema previdenciário, sistema misto, pagará benefícios menores para os servidores que ingressarem depois da criação do fundo quando comparados com os atuais servidores. Em razão disso os atuais servidores, analisando apenas os ganhos financeiros, não migrarão para o Fundo federal conforme é esperado pelo Governo. As mulheres receberão nesse novo sistema previdenciário benefícios menores em função do menor tempo de contribuição, expectativa de vida maior e menor taxa de crescimento salarial. Mas os grandes avanços com a criação do fundo serão o equilíbrio atuarial do sistema federal de previdência e o fim das grandes desigualdades entre esse sistema e o regime geral de previdência. A criação do Fundo fará com que os benefícios fiquem atrelados diretamente à contribuição de cada servidor, diferentemente do que ocorria antes quando os benefícios eram proporcionais à remuneração do servidor - até 2003 era equivalente a última remuneração e depois de 2003 é equivalente à média das 80% maiores remunerações. / The present work analyzes the actuarial conditions for the creation of the Brazilian Federal Social Security Fund (FUNPRESP) and how the new Social Security System will work after the effective functioning of the Fund. We could say that in the federal sphere it will finally finish off the reforms initiated in 1998. We conclude that the new Social Security System (called \"mixed system\") will provide lower payments to the beneficiaries who start to contribute after the creation of the Fund. In consequence, the current beneficiaries will not migrate to the new Federal Fund, as the government expects, because some simple analysis will make they conclude that they would incur into financial losses. Along with that, female beneficiaries will receive fewer benefits than men from that new Social Security System, basically for three reasons: a) their shorter time of contribution; b), their higher life expectancy; and c), the lower rate at which their payments actually grow. We also conclude that the real advantages brought by the creation of the Fund are: a) the actuarial equilibrium of the Federal Social Security System, and b) the end of the huge inequalities between that system and the \"general\" Brazilian Social Security System (INSS). The creation of the Fund will link the benefits directly to the contribution of each servant, as opposed to when benefits were proportional to the servant\'s pay (equal to it until 2003, or equivalent to the average of the 80% highest salaries).

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-01-10T11:30:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Aline Fagundes dos Santos.pdf: 1727134 bytes, checksum: 515869c22b85ff54caa7bfb8e8099fab (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-10T11:30:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aline Fagundes dos Santos.pdf: 1727134 bytes, checksum: 515869c22b85ff54caa7bfb8e8099fab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the effectiveness of social security benefits of the Social Security System, which is designed to protect families within the current paradigm of postmodernity. It is assumed that the plan of benefits, laid down by Federal Law No. 8213 / 91, is not capable of protecting all Brazilian families, given the new social risks generated by postmodernity. With the development of the human species and the evolution of the State, an improvement of the mechanisms of social protection was observed, thus resulting in the shift of responsibility from the family circle (private) to the state one (public). However, the family, which was the initial foundation of social protection, has undergone great transformations in recent times, both with regard to the new forms of arrangement and the role played by its members. This is a point that deserves attention from the current systems of Social protection, among them the Brazilian one, which is organized under the simple distribution system, grounded under the intergenerational pact and that became a social fundamental right after 1988. These considerations will then show the legal, economic and social relevance of this study. Regarding the theoretical-methodological aspects, a bibliographical research was developed, drawing from the main contributions on the topic, as well as documentary research, based on available legal apparatus and jurisprudence. The results show that the current social security benefits of the Social Security System are unsatisfactory and don’t meet the new social risks that Brazilian families are exposed in postmodernity. This is mainly due to the phenomenon of the feminization of the labor market, a situation that can be remedied with the creation of the benefit of parental aid, according to experiences of the alien right / A presente tese de Doutorado tem como objetivo analisar a efetividade dos benefícios previdenciários do Regime Geral de Previdência Social, destinados à proteção das famílias no atual paradigma da pós-modernidade. Parte-se do pressuposto de que o plano de benefícios, previsto a partir da Lei Federal nº8.213/91 não é capaz de proteger todas as famílias brasileiras, diante dos novos riscos sociais. Com o desenvolvimento da espécie humana e a evolução do Estado foi percebido um aprimoramento dos mecanismos de proteção social, ocorrendo um deslocamento de responsabilidade da esfera familiar (privada) para a esfera estatal (pública). Ocorre que a família, que foi o núcleo inicial da proteção social, tem passado por grandes transformações nos últimos tempos, tanto no que diz respeito às novas formas de arranjo familiar como também ao papel desenvolvido pelos seus integrantes, ponto que merece atenção dos atuais sistemas de proteção social, entre eles o brasileiro, alçado à condição de direito fundamental social após 1988, e que é organizado sob o regime de repartição simples e alicerçado sob o pacto intergeracional, o que demonstra a relevância jurídica, econômica e social deste estudo. No que tange aos aspectos teórico-metodológicos, foram realizadas pesquisas bibliográficas, com respaldo nos principais aportes relacionados à temática, pesquisa documental baseada nos dados dos aparatos legais disponíveis e ainda jurisprudência. Os resultados alcançados nos reportam à conclusão de que os atuais benefícios previdenciários do Regime Geral de Previdência Social são insuficientes para atender aos novos riscos sociais a que estão expostos às famílias brasileiras na pós-modernidade, especialmente em razão do fenômeno da feminização do mercado de trabalho, situação esta que pode ser revertida com a criação do benefício de auxílio-parental, conforme experiências do direito alienígena

Thesis (M.S.W.)--University of Hong Kong, 1986.

Vor dem Hintergrund der Erfolge und Niederlagen der Tea Party-Bewegung in der amerikanischen Politik während der letzten Jahre stellt sich die Frage, welcher Voraussetzungen es bedarf, in den USA konservative Politik auf nationaler Ebene durchzusetzen. Um dies zu beantworten, wird in der Dissertation Präsident George W. Bushs Versuch analysiert, Social Security durch eine (Teil-)Privatisierung der in dem Programm beinhalteten staatlichen Rentenversicherung zu reformieren. Bush kündigte den Reformplan direkt nach seiner Wiederwahl 2004 an, die Umsetzung scheiterte jedoch im 109. U.S. Kongress. Anlass für die Reformpläne waren Prognosen, nach denen aufgrund des demografischen Wandels Social Security ohne Anpassungen ab dem Jahr 2018 mehr an Bezügen auszahlen müsste, als es an Beiträgen durch Steuern einnehmen würde. Eine (Teil-)Privatisierung des Programms wäre eine weitreichende und symbolträchtige Reform zugunsten konservativer Politikziele gewesen. Social Security ist nicht nur ein fundamentaler Bestandteil der amerikanischen Sozialpolitik, es hat zudem als staatliches Programm eine Sonderstellung in dem zu großen Teilen auf Privatvorsorge ausgerichteten System sozialer Sicherungen inne. Für viele Konservative steht es seit seiner Einführung während der New DealÄra für staatliche Bevormundung und gehört zugunsten individueller Privatvorsorge abgeschafft. Social Security ist trotz derartiger Kritik nicht nur über die Jahrzehnte gewachsen, sondern verfügt neben der entschiedenen Unterstützung durch Liberale auch über eine mehrheitliche Zustimmung in der Bevölkerung. Von zentraler Bedeutung für die Bewertung der Chancen konservativer Politikumsetzung ist die Tatsache, dass der moderne amerikanische Konservatismus eine Koalition verschiedener Gruppierungen darstellt. Innenpolitisch wird er vor allem durch libertäre und sozialkonservative Ideale geprägt. Geeint werden die verschiedenen konservativen Ansätze unter anderem durch die Ablehnung des modernen amerikanischen Liberalismus. Neben vielen Gemeinsamkeiten besteht jedoch auch Konfliktpotenzial zwischen den jeweiligen Hauptanliegen der unterschiedlichen konservativen Fraktionen. Für die Analyse der Reformdebatte greift die Dissertation auf John W. Kingdons Multiple Streams- Theorie zurück. Nach dieser müssen die Entwicklungen in drei verschiedenen streams günstig sein, damit sich ein Zeitfenster für eine mögliche Reform öffnet (opportunity window). Dazu zählen der problem-, der policy- und der politics stream. Die Analyse zeigt, dass zum Zeitpunkt der Reformdebatte die Voraussetzungen für ein opportunity window in keinem der drei streams eindeutig gegeben waren. Ein Problembewusstsein in Hinblick auf die Zukunft von Social Security war zwar in weiten Teilen der Öffentlichkeit vorhanden, es gab aber Uneinigkeit über Gewichtung und Dringlichkeit des Problems. Große ideologische Differenzen zwischen amerikanischen Liberalen und Konservativen bestanden sowohl bei der Bewertung des Problemgrades als auch bei der Frage der grundsätzlichen Aufgaben und Gestaltung von Sozialpolitik. Zudem gab es ganz konkret Zweifel, ob die Reformvorschläge die Probleme überhaupt lösen könnten. Experten übten unter anderem Kritik an den Umstellungskosten und äußerten Skepsis gegenüber der seitens des Weißen Hauses angenommenen Höhe der Rendite von Privatkonten. Auch in der Gesamtbevölkerung existierten große Bedenken gegenüber den Reformplänen. Innerhalb der republikanischen Wählerschaft fehlte zudem eine eindeutige Mehrheit für die Reformen - gerade die für die Republikaner wichtige Wählergruppe der Rentner stand einer Teilprivatisierung in weiten Teilen ablehnend gegenüber und für sozialkonservative Wähler standen eher Wertefragen im Mittelpunkt. Die Unterstützung durch konservative Interessengruppen fiel ebenfalls eher verhalten aus, wohingegen liberale Interessengruppen in entschiedene Opposition gingen. Angesichts einer fehlenden einheitlichen Position innerhalb der republikanischen Fraktionen im Abgeordnetenhaus und Senat sowie einer Sperrminorität der Demokraten im Senat reichten letztendlich auch die republikanischen Mehrheiten im Kongress nicht für eine Reform aus. Neben den schwierigen Bedingungen innerhalb der streams wurden seitens des Weißen Hauses außerdem Fehler beim Zusammenbringen der streams, dem coupling, begangen. Am schwersten wogen dabei die mangelnde Koordination der Reformpläne mit Interessengruppen und insbesondere dem Kongress. Die gescheiterte Social Security-Reform verdeutlicht, dass der Konservatismus in den USA eine Koalition verschiedener Interessen ist. Um diese intern auszugleichen und extern durchzusetzen, braucht es Debatten und Kompromisse, sowohl innerhalb der konservativen Koalition als auch außerhalb mit den nicht konservativen politischen Akteuren.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 357-386). Also available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 357-386).

p. 1-199 / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2013-03-20T20:23:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 4444.pdf: 1155009 bytes, checksum: 6439203f63324d43852ebe00606bd270 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-03-23T14:47:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 4444.pdf: 1155009 bytes, checksum: 6439203f63324d43852ebe00606bd270 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-03-23T14:47:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4444.pdf: 1155009 bytes, checksum: 6439203f63324d43852ebe00606bd270 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004 / Esta dissertação constitui-se numa análise das perspectivas de sustentabilidade dos Regimes Próprios de Previdência Social (RPPS) que fazem parte do sistema previdenciário brasileiro, particularmente aqueles mantidos pelos municípios. Situando o tema no contexto atual, marcado por profundas limitações econômicas e legais, tomou-se como objeto de análise os Institutos de Previdência de alguns municípios da Bahia, localizados na Região Metropolitana de Salvador – Camaçari, Salvador e Vera Cruz – e na região Paraguaçu – Capela do Alto Alegre, Feira de Santana, Ipecaetá, Itaberaba e Macajuba. Através da coleta de dados disponíveis na Internet e da aplicação de formulário de pesquisa de campo, sob a forma de questionário, buscou-se obter um diagnóstico da situação financeira e atuarial experimentada pelos citados Institutos, além de avaliar aspectos como a visão dos gestores públicos diante da questão previdenciária em seu município. A partir dos perfis traçados, que invariavelmente apontaram situações deficitárias, concluiu-se que a possibilidade de manutenção dos RPPS municipais encontra-se comprometida e constitui-se em sério entrave ao alcance do equilíbrio das contas públicas dos municípios. A situação constatada tende a se agravar, caso sejam mantidos os parâmetros legais, as formas de gestão e o cenário de crise econômica atualmente verificados. / Salvador

Este trabalho analisa as condições atuariais para criação do Fundo previdenciário federal (FUNPRESP) e como será o novo sistema previdenciário após o funcionamento desse Fundo que finalmente concluirá, em âmbito federal, as reformas iniciadas em 1998. A partir desse estudo concluímos que o novo sistema previdenciário, sistema misto, pagará benefícios menores para os servidores que ingressarem depois da criação do fundo quando comparados com os atuais servidores. Em razão disso os atuais servidores, analisando apenas os ganhos financeiros, não migrarão para o Fundo federal conforme é esperado pelo Governo. As mulheres receberão nesse novo sistema previdenciário benefícios menores em função do menor tempo de contribuição, expectativa de vida maior e menor taxa de crescimento salarial. Mas os grandes avanços com a criação do fundo serão o equilíbrio atuarial do sistema federal de previdência e o fim das grandes desigualdades entre esse sistema e o regime geral de previdência. A criação do Fundo fará com que os benefícios fiquem atrelados diretamente à contribuição de cada servidor, diferentemente do que ocorria antes quando os benefícios eram proporcionais à remuneração do servidor - até 2003 era equivalente a última remuneração e depois de 2003 é equivalente à média das 80% maiores remunerações. / The present work analyzes the actuarial conditions for the creation of the Brazilian Federal Social Security Fund (FUNPRESP) and how the new Social Security System will work after the effective functioning of the Fund. We could say that in the federal sphere it will finally finish off the reforms initiated in 1998. We conclude that the new Social Security System (called \"mixed system\") will provide lower payments to the beneficiaries who start to contribute after the creation of the Fund. In consequence, the current beneficiaries will not migrate to the new Federal Fund, as the government expects, because some simple analysis will make they conclude that they would incur into financial losses. Along with that, female beneficiaries will receive fewer benefits than men from that new Social Security System, basically for three reasons: a) their shorter time of contribution; b), their higher life expectancy; and c), the lower rate at which their payments actually grow. We also conclude that the real advantages brought by the creation of the Fund are: a) the actuarial equilibrium of the Federal Social Security System, and b) the end of the huge inequalities between that system and the \"general\" Brazilian Social Security System (INSS). The creation of the Fund will link the benefits directly to the contribution of each servant, as opposed to when benefits were proportional to the servant\'s pay (equal to it until 2003, or equivalent to the average of the 80% highest salaries).

Thesis (M. Dev.) -- University of Limpopo, 2016 / In attacking poverty in post-apartheid South Africa, the country’s new government adopted a multiple approach focusing on building institutions and organisations on a macro regional and local level, levels to facilitate growth, reconstruction and social upliftment. In its effort to alleviate poverty and inequality, the Government of South Africa introduced a social security system. In an endeavour to address the deficiencies surrounding this system, the government has established a number of mechanisms. In order to distribute these grants to the right people in the right place, the government formed the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA). The research problem was, therefore, to find out how the management and administration of social security by SASSA is enhancing or retarding access to the services for which the agency was established to render. The aim of this study was to assess how the management and administration of the social security system impact on the accessibility of social services by those who require them. In order to achieve the aim of this study, the following objectives were addressed: how social security is managed in the Limpopo Province; to assess the impact of the management of the system on access to services; to identify possible strategies that could enhance access to social security services; and to provide recommendations based on the literature and research findings. The findings of this study was that the administration system of the South African grant system has been somewhat cumbersome for both the applicant and the administrator because the forms used for most grants are detailed and often quite technical. Furthermore, it was established that were service delivery challenges of severe staff shortages at critical operational levels where grant applications are processed and infrastructural challenges such as insufficient office space (too many staff members in a specific office) and insufficient or no connectivity at certain service delivery points. These are all organisational challenges that SASSA is facing. This research recommend that the Limpopo regional office must not only be responsible for giving information about newly enrolled recipients to the SASSA national office but the regional office should be able to complete the whole process within its offices without passing it on to the national office The research also recommends that a Monitoring and Evaluation unit must be established in regional offices. This unit will assist the management and administration of social grants in particular with improving services. This unit will visit different SASSA offices in the local municipalities on a regular basis in order to evaluate the performance of those particular offices. This will help to monitor the service delivery to the beneficiaries. Lastly, SASSA should do more research and development in consultation academic institutions or by structure within SASSA offices