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Dans son ouvrage Shell Shock Cinema, publié en 2009, Anton Kaes se distancie fortement du travail fondateur et classique de Siegfried Kracauer, From Caligari to Hitler, publiée en 1947, et portant sur le cinéma pendant la période de Weimar. Réfutant la thèse de Kracauer selon laquelle un inconscient collectif allemand annonce la montée du nazisme dans le cinéma de l’entre-deux-guerres, Kaes affirme au contraire que le shell shock, héritage de la Première Guerre mondiale, est l’un des moteurs du cinéma weimarien. Les travaux de Kaes s’inscrivent dans une historiographie en renouvellement qui, confrontant également la thèse de Kracauer, met désormais l’accent sur la Première Guerre mondiale, et non sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale, pour mieux comprendre et analyser le cinéma weimarien. Ce mémoire, tout en étudiant de façon détaillée l’historiographie du sujet, tend à approfondir et à réévaluer la thèse d’Anton Kaes en l’exposant à davantage de films représentant des traumatismes personnels, des traumatismes sociaux et des chocs post-traumatiques (CPT). Ces maux sont exacerbés par des tensions sociopolitiques – insurrection de janvier 1919, Traité de Versailles, occupation de la Ruhr, l’inflation de 1923-24, etc. – alimentant à la fois des représentations symboliques et concrètes d’expériences traumatisantes qui caractérisent l’ensemble du cinéma weimarien. / Anton Kaes’ 2009 Shell Shock Cinema made a clear shift from Siegfried Kracauer’s 1947 classic book, From Caligari to Hitler. Refuting Kracauer’s major thesis – which found hints of the rise of Nazism through an analysis of Weimar cinema – Kaes placed shell shock as a primary source of influence on the 1920’s German movies. Recent research takes a new look at Kracauer’s thesis and its significance, emphasizing the First World War, and not the Second World War, as the new cornerstone of studies on Weimar Cinema. This paper, while conducting a thorough review of literature on the subject, seeks to reconsider Kaes’ thesis, expending it to a larger filmography selected for its numerous representations of personal trauma, social trauma and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). These mental troubles are exacerbated by socio-political tensions, – such as the Versailles Peace Treaty, the Ruhr occupation, the January 1919 insurrection and the inflation of 1923-24, – feeding both symbolic and concrete depictions of traumatic experiences throughout the Weimarian cinema.

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The endeavor of this thesis is to throw light on the portrayal of women by the Austrian-Jewish writer Joseph Roth. Roth’s women are regarded as highly negative and thus the author has increasingly been judged a male chauvinist and misogynist. This opinion seems particularly questionable since hardly any studies on his fictitious women have ever been conducted. The present study aims at filling that void and thereby presenting Roth’s views in a more differentiated manner. A new approach to Roth is thus called for. The analysis draws from the socio-historic background in which Roth’s work is situated. In his journalism as in his fiction, Roth strived to demonstrate and deal with the challenges of the times he lived in. His work frequently revolves around the “damaged” post-war generation in the 1920s and 30s, the feeling of being literally and metaphorically homeless. His later works are mostly set in the past, although this should not be viewed as escapism but as an attempt to come to terms with present reality. The worlds he portrays are dominated by men who are neither whole nor strong. But although women are few and it is said they are depicted only in crude stereotypes, the study shows that Roth does address their problems and plights. By observing women within established types, modern and traditional, it is revealed that Roth indeed shows depth when characterizing women, and that his interest in them is to use them as examples to illustrate fundamental aspects of the human condition. Rather than portraying them subservient to man, Roth demonstrates their common humanity. His understanding for the condition of women in his times often becomes apparent only when the narrative perspective is isolated from the protagonists. Simultaneously his work presents a valuable literary contribution for Gender Studies. / Classics and Modern European Languages / (D. Litt. et Phil.) (German)

Cette thèse explore la continuité entre le Reichstag de Weimar et le Bundestag de Bonn à travers les itinéraires de 34 élus ayant siégé dans les deux chambres. L’élaboration du portrait socio-politique du groupe considéré aboutit au constat d’une diversité fondamentale, mais aussi à l’identification de milieux socio-moraux structurant la vie politique de l’Allemagne impériale. Ces acteurs vécurent différemment leur passage au Reichstag avant 1933, suivant leur parti, leur genre, la date et circonscription de leur élection ou les fonctions qu’ils exercèrent au parlement. La mise au pas du Reichstag et l’effondrement de la République marquèrent un tournant dans leur existence. La recherche des causes de l’échec weimarien les accompagna toute leur vie. Les personnalités étudiées réagirent différemment à la dictature nazie. Si leurs situations varient considérablement entre 1933 et 1945, ces années se résument globalement à une expérience de la perte. Les anciens du Reichstag furent les cibles privilégiées de persécutions visant à briser toute opposition au nazisme. L’expérience de l’oppression les mua en démocrates attentifs et favorisa leur retour en politique dès 1945. La plupart participèrent à la refondation institutionnelle de l’Allemagne de l’Ouest entre 1945 et 1949. Leurs retrouvailles avec le parlement à partir de 1949 furent difficiles dans la mesure où ils percevaient le Bundestag à travers le filtre de leur souvenir du Reichstag. Au Bundestag, ils mirent à profit leur connaissance du travail parlementaire, contribuant ainsi à stabiliser le nouvel État. Certains y perpétuèrent une culture politique forgée avant 1933 qui peut être qualifiée d’« esprit de Weimar ». / This PhD thesis studies the continuity between the Weimar Reichstag and the Bundestag in Bonn from the perspective of 34 representatives who were elected in both chambers. Constructing the socio-political portrait of this group reveals an essential diversity while at the same time leading to the identification of the socio-moral backgrounds that structured political life in imperial Germany. These men and women experienced their time in the Reichstag differently, depending on their party, gender, constituency, the period in question, and the place they occupied in parliament.The neutralisation of the Reichstag and the fall of the Republic marked a turning point in their lives. The question of why the Weimar Republic had failed would follow them for the rest of their lives. The members of this group reacted differently to the Nazi dictatorship. If their situations varied considerably between 1933 and 1945, the period was generally marked by the experience of loss. The former members of the Reichstag were the main targets of Nazi persecutions aimed at opponents of the regime. Living through oppression turned them into considerate democrats and encouraged their return to politics. Most took part in the institutional reconstruction of West Germany between 1945 and 1949. Their reunion with the parliament from 1949 onward was difficult, since they perceived the Bundestag through the prism of their past experience in the Reichstag. In the Bundestag, they built on their knowledge of parliamentary work, thereby contributing to stabilising the new state. Some of them perpetuated a political culture that had been shaped before 1933 and which can be described as “the Weimar spirit”.

Sob a perspectiva de um reexame do momento de formação do teatro épico contemporâneo, esta dissertação consiste num estudo sobre o trabalho colaborativo de Bertolt Brecht e Kurt Weill nos anos de 1926 a 1933, com ênfase para o assim chamado teatro de atualidades elaborado pelos artistas. Tomando como linha condutora os três momentos centrais da República de Weimar (a crise de 1919-1923, a estabilização econômica e o craque de 1929) tentamos apreender como lírica, teatro e música confluíram criticamente na criação de um teatro político à altura das questões suscitadas pelo processo histórico de realinhamento capitalista sob o governo de coalizão de esquerda SPD/USPD, bem como de suas complexas implicações na cultura. Para tanto, em diálogo com a crítica literária brasileira e alemã, realizamos uma leitura da obra do jovem Brecht pautada pela questão do reaproveitamento que o dramaturgo fizera da música em seu livro de estreia como lírico, Hauspostille (1927), onde certo veio da cultura urbana anticapitalista dos cabarés da belle époque foi mobilizado, através da influência da lírica e do teatro de Frank Wedekind. Noutro nível, sob a linha condutora do projeto brechtiano de uma ópera culinária, procuramos traçar um apanhado das questões que marcaram a formação da linguagem musical de Kurt Weill, problematizando o desenvolvimento de seu trabalho coletivo com o Novembergruppe, sua abordagem da ópera moderna e da música utilitária e finalmentee seu pensamento sobre as potencialidades estético-políticas do rádio. O trabalho se conclui, enfim, pela análise de três obras da parceria Brecht/Weill: Berliner Requiem (1929), Mahagonny Songspiel (1927) e A ópera dos três vinténs (1928). / Through the perspective of a re-examination of contemporary Epic Theater, this dissertation consists of a study about the collaborative work of Bertolt Brecht and Kurt Weill from 1926 to 1933, centered upon the so called Zeittheater invented by both artists. By following the thread between the three main periods of Weimar Republic (the 1919-1923 political crisis, the stabilization period and the economical crash of 1929) our intention was to understand how Brechts previous lyric poetry, music and theatre enabled the autor to critically incorporate into his political theater matters brought up by the context of capitalistic re-alignment made by the left coalision government of SPD/USPD, as well as the impact of this complex political setting on culture. In order to do so and to maintain a dialoge with both brazillian and german literary criticism, we have sketched a reading of young Brechts work, focused on the appreciation of the influence of Frank Wedekinds lyric poetry and theater where a certain tendence of belle époque anti-capitalistic cabaret culture is registered on Brechts music, mainly through an interpretation of his first poetry book Hauspostille (1927). On another level, we have sketched the central issues that oriented the making of a new musical language by Kurt Weill, especifically the meaning of his collective work with Novembergruppe, his approach on Gebrauchsmusik and modern opera, his essays about aesthetical and political potencialities of radio and how they combined with Brechts project of culinary operas. Lastly this study is concluded by the analysis and interpretation of three different works by Brecht/Weill: Berliner Requiem (1929), Mahagonny Songspiel (1927) and The Threepenny Opera (1928).

Nel presente lavoro vengono indagati gli aspetti politici della teologia di Friedrich Gogarten durante l’arco temporale della Repubblica di Weimar. La ricerca si propone due obiettivi fondamentali. In primo luogo, in essa si vuole dimostrare la presenza di una discontinuità all’interno della teologia politica di Gogarten, i cui noti esiti conservatori e vicini al nazismo durante gli ultimi anni della repubblica vengono generalmente considerati dalla critica come impliciti nel suo pensiero precedente. Un’analisi dettagliata della produzione di Gogarten, condotta con un’attenzione particolare al contesto storico-culturale, mostrerà che il suo pensiero politico fino al biennio ‘27/’28 presenta, al contrario, elementi critici nei confronti di un pensiero politico autoritario e dell’ideologia delle nuove destre, ai quali si avvicinerà solo successivamente. Il secondo obiettivo è quello di rinvenire le cause di questa evoluzione del suo pensiero. L’ipotesi di questa ricerca è che essa sia maturata sul terreno dei rapporti di Gogarten con la Chiesa Luterana della Turingia, e che le idee conservatrici inizialmente abbracciate dal teologo in questo ambito lo abbiano spinto a sviluppare una visione sempre più reazionaria della politica e della società durante gli ultimi problematici anni della Repubblica di Weimar. / This work examines the political aspects of Friedrich Gogarten’s theology during the time span of the Weimar Republic. The research seeks two fundamental goals. In the first place, it aims at demonstrating the discontinuity within Gogarten’s political theology, whose well-known conservative outcomes, close to Nazism, in the last years of the republic are generally considered by scholarship as implicit in his earlier thought. An in-depth analysis of Gogarten’s production, with particular attention to the socio-cultural context, will rather show that until the two-year period ‘27/’28 his political thought presents critical elements against authoritarian political power and new right-wing ideologies, that he will embrace only later. The second aim is to find the causes of this evolution of his thought. The research hypothesis is that it matured on the ground of Gogarten’s relationship with the Lutheran church of Thuringia. The conservative ideas first embraced by the theologian brought him to develop an increasingly reactionary vision of politics and society during the last problematic years of the Weimar Republic.

Notre thèse étudie la position et la fonction qu’occupa le philosophe Erich Rothacker (1888-1965) dans le champ philosophique et scientifique allemand de son temps. Elle retrace l’évolution de sa politique intellectuelle de la République de Weimar à l’après-guerre, évolution qu’il faut lire comme un processus de redéfinition de son historisme conservateur face aux contextes historiques successifs. Tandis que son activité sous la République de Weimar fut guidée par sa volonté d’imposer un paradigme d’historisme polémique et idéologisé, l’avènement du national-socialisme l’a conduit, après une phase d’étroite adhésion, à redéfinir cet historisme, qui devint progressivement (et non sans quelques ambiguïtés) un simple paradigme épistémologique désidéologisé. C’est au terme de cette évolution que Rothacker put influencer dans l’après-guerre la réflexion de certains de ses étudiants devenus par la suite célèbres, tels Jürgen Habermas, Karl-Otto Apel et Hermann Schmitz. Outre qu’elle répond à plusieurs questions jusqu’à présent en suspens dans la littérature secondaire sur Rothacker (relatives à son rapport au nazisme, ou encore au rôle – éminent mais paradoxal – qu’il joua au sein du champ théorique de son temps), notre étude de sa politique intellectuelle met ainsi en évidence deux phénomènes qui dépassent le cadre de son analyse stricto sensu : le mouvement – commun à plusieurs penseurs – de radicalisation puis de déradicalisation du conservatisme intellectuel allemand au cours du 20ème siècle, et l’existence d’une ligne de continuité souterraine de la pensée historiste dans l’Allemagne de l’après-guerre en dépit de l’ostracisme dont cette tradition faisait alors l’objet. / Our dissertation investigates the position in, and function of, the german philosopher Erich Rothacker (1888-1965) within the philosophical and scientific fields of his time. It traces the developments in Rothacker’s intellectual politics from the Weimar Republic into the post-war world – a development that can be interpreted as a process of redefining his conservative historicism within the framework of changing historical contexts. While his work was guided by the aim of promoting a polemic and ideologised paradigm of historicism at the time of the Weimar Republic, Rothacker, faced with the national-socialist regime, subsequently redefined this historicism after a period of enthusiastic endorsement with the National-Socialists. Rothacker’s historicism thus gradually developed (though not without remnants of ambiguity) into a purely epistemological paradigm, stripped of all ideology. As a consequence of this development Rothacker succeeded in the post-war era in influencing the thought of several of his students who were to become well-known intellectual figures, such as Jürgen Habermas, Karl-Otto Apel and Hermann Schmitz. Besides offering answers to some questions concerning Rothacker that remain unanswered in critical discourse to this day – such as his relationship to Nazism, or his role within the theoretical field of his time – our analysis provides a picture of two phenomena transcending Rothacker’s own person: the deradicalization of German intellectual conservatism in the course of the twentieth century, and the persistence of historicist thought in post-war Germany despite the ostracism that this tradition was subjected to in the decades following the war.

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The Political Thought of Karl Jaspers - Abstract The aim of the dissertation was to interpret the thinking of Karl Jaspers as an endeavour to clarify the connecting lines between the basic characteristics of human being and its historical and political dimensions. In the book we reconstructed Jaspers' spiritual development from systematic-theoretical research to the engagement of a public intellectual. As his main legacy are shown the importance of the inseparability, of a mutual cultivation and prove of philosophical foundation and historical being as well as exploration. Jaspers is presented as an important participant in the discussions about the problems of German society from the 1930s to the 1960s, whose contribution laid not in a philosophically "more abstract" analysing of problems, but in discovering that social and political being cannot do without philosophical self-reflection of man, of the structure of human existence and knowledge and of the principial values derived from it. In his confrontations with the situation of German culture, politics and society, Jaspers enriched the public debate by cultivating the philosophical and methodical consciousness. He emphasized the distinctions between the nature and instruments of the different spheres of human spirit (of sciences, religion, philosophy...