[pt] A dissertação aborda as dificuldades operacionais, administrativas e de recursos que os municípios brasileiros enfrentam para implantar as diretrizes da Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos – PNRS, instituída pela Lei Federal 12.305/10. A maioria dos municípios brasileiros não dispõe de estrutura capaz de viabilizar uma efetiva gestão de seus resíduos sólidos urbanos – RSU, incluindo seus aspectos ambientais, sociais e econômicos. Sendo assim, as administrações municipais devem buscar soluções viáveis, do ponto de vista administrativo, para a efetiva implantação dessas diretrizes. As alternativas necessitam levar em consideração possíveis parcerias com municípios limítrofes através, por exemplo, de formação de consórcios públicos – e com a iniciativa privada. A PNRS é muito avançada do ponto de vista ambiental. No entanto, os municípios, os Entes da Federação que têm de cumpri-la, enfrentam as dificuldades típicas das municipalidades pertencentes a um País em desenvolvimento, que apresenta, também, várias diferenças regionais e que está se defrontando há cerca de 3 anos com séria crise financeira. Na busca por soluções viáveis, a pesquisa descreve os status de três consórcios públicos intermunicipais constituídos no estado do Rio de Janeiro, com ênfase no Consórcio Vale do Café. Esse Consórcio – objeto do estudo de caso – é constituído por quatro municípios e foi o primeiro a ter, em operação, um Centro de Tratamento e Disposição de Resíduos. Acredita-se que as três iniciativas descritas servem de parâmetro para que outros municípios enfrentem as dificuldades – que atingem, em maior ou menor grau, a todos – e, dessa forma, possam cumprir a legislação relativa aos RSU. / [en] It can be said that urban solid waste is synonym of resource and, therefore, we are talking about raw material, energy and minerals. The solid waste market is constantly evolving and growing. The Brazilian solid waste management policy is very up-to-date and contemporary from the environmental point of view. However, municipalities that must comply with it are in an emerging country, with several regional differences and undergoing three years of severe financial crisis. How can Brazil meet the requirements of its national solid waste policy taking into account the reality of its municipalities? The consti-tution of public consortia among municipalities seems to be a viable alternative. One way to measure the lack of development of a country is by looking at its waste. Direct and precise statement of two journalists of the Folha de São Paulo newspaper, at the start news story on the situation of dumpsites nationwide. Numbers related to the generation of solid waste are alarming in Brazil and in other developing countries. Observing data available from several sources, it can be mentioned that in 2011 the world had 7 billion inhabitants and 1.3 billion tons of solid waste was globally produced per year. Projections indicate that by 2050there will be 10 billion inhabitants on the planet, who will produce 4 billion tons of solid waste per year. A famous equation, among the world s experts on the subject, says: population plus development equals more waste. According to worldwide figures presented by scholars on the subject, solid waste management has become a matter of survival. Therefore, there is an increasing and intense debate about the growing and significant generation of solid waste, especially those from urban areas.

[pt] A Revolução Industrial, a que se seguiu o paradigma desenvolvimentista do Século XX, legou cidades e indústrias interdependentes e determinantes entre si. Paradoxalmente, percebe-se a coexistência conflituosa entre áreas urbanas fabris e habitadas, que parece inconciliável. Muitos dos conflitos advêm de impactos de vizinhança, cuja regulação ainda não se encontra formulada e pacífica. A presente pesquisa investiga os elementos que favorecem ou prejudicam essa convivência, e propõe método de suporte à decisão voltado à gestão de impactos de vizinhança, não regulados por leis e padrões. O método baseia-se em pesquisa qualitativa de percepção de materialidade/importância dos impactos, com grupo focal, ponderada pela avaliação escalar da sua magnitude, conforme a distância entre indústria e zonas urbanas com usos distintos – em especial o residencial – em uma matriz/diagrama de apoio à decisão. Pode ser aplicado como instrumento de gestão de conflitos, no planejamento locacional de empreendimentos de alto potencial de impactos de vizinhança e no Planejamento Participativo. O caso estudado, objeto empírico da presente pesquisa, é a ThyssenKrupp Companhia Siderúrgica do Atlântico (TKCSA), em Santa Cruz – bairro de 398 mil habitantes da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Siderúrgica integrada, a TKCSA iniciou suas operações em 2010. O Distrito Industrial que a recebeu, criado décadas antes, já havia atraí-do às vizinhanças vilas operárias e assentamentos informais. Em diferentes momentos, desajustes operacionais e falhas de comunicação levaram a conflitos e crises. O teste de aplicação do método desenvolvido indicou sua utilidade para a finalidade a que se propõe. / [en] Cities and Industries are interdependent and determinant among themselves. However, since the first cycle of industrialization in England at the end of the 19th Century, the conflicting coexistence between manufacturing and inhabited areas seems irreconcilable. Modernist planning proposed Industrial Districts designed under a Keynesian perspective. In contemporary times, industrial zones has followed a globalizing logic. Transnational corporations determine on a planetary scale where to locate their production platforms, in favor of profits maximization. This movement is ruled – but also facilitated – by the State in a balance between national interest and a business-friendly ambient (Harvey, 1989). Industries and other sectors of the cities need to be close. The question is: how close? Is there a desired distance that guarantees to the City and its inhabitants the highest positive externalities of industrialization, reducing, however, negative impacts and discomforts? Does environmental technology have a real capacity to positively interfere? Which elements should base environmental and neighborhood impact assessments so that: (i) emergent conflicts can be solved; or (ii) due and fair measures can be establish to overcome or compensate for the negative impacts; and (iii) early precise assessments precede new ventures? This research aims at proposing a decision-aiding method for the management of neighborhood impacts (not regulated by laws or standards), identifying aspects to facilitate coexistence between industries and neighbors.

[pt] Esta pesquisa disserta sobre as soluções de mobilidade urbana em favelas de encostas como parte integrante do planejamento urbano, tendo como foco a implantação do sistema de transporte teleférico e como estudo de caso, o teleférico do Complexo do Alemão. Inicialmente é apresentado um panorama histórico das intervenções do poder público nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro e como se desenvolveu a mobilidade urbana nessas áreas. Em seguida, é exposto o problema da mobilidade nas favelas e a implantação de equipamentos alternativos de transportes. Os Projetos de implantação do teleférico Metrocable em Medellín, o teleférico de San Augustín em Caracas, o teleférico do morro da Providência e o projeto para o teleférico da favela da Rocinha são expostos como exemplos desse sistema. No Estudo de caso, foram analisados os impactos da implantação do teleférico no Complexo do Alemão, sua eficiência e principalmente, os custos de execução, operação e os custos sociais. Considera-se que o impacto estudado é moldado por análises contextuais, avaliações empíricas de visitas ao local, entrevistas com os moradores e usuários do sistema em questão, conteúdos bibliográficos e análise de indicadores. / [en] This research is on urban mobility solutions in favelas (slums) on hills as an integral part of urban planning. With a focus on the implementation of cable cars as transport systems, this research examines the cable car of the Complexo do Alemão as a case study which is located on the north side of the city of Rio de Janeiro. In Chapter 1, the research outlines the problem of poverty and absence of urban planning in Brazilian cities, which has intensified since the 1950s because of the rapid influx of migrants in search for work in the great economic city centers. Currently in Rio de Janeiro, 22 per cent of the population lives in favelas. The population of the favelas grew disproportionally in the last two decades, four times more than the population of the officially recognized areas of the city. The problem of housing in the favelization process of the city is aggravated by poor sanitation, violent conflicts, problems with security and safety, a lack of public services, poor access, precarious urban mobility, irregular services like illegal connections to electricity, among other problems. Additionally, there is the overarching problem of urban mobility. Spatial segregation makes it difficult for low-income populations to move from one place to another and is mainly due to the historical selection of occupations in isolated and peripheral areas of the city. The problem of mobility is further aggravated by underdeveloped transitional areas between the rural and urban parts of the city especially when, like in the case of this research, those populations occupy areas with steep hills. The chapter continues by tracing a history of public policies affecting the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, from the first removal of tenement houses in the city center in the nineteenth century, to the developmental policies of today. The chapter follows the formation of the first favelas with an occupation organized by the people who were removed from tenement houses and who needed to live near the economic city centers, the eventual expansion to other areas, the first removal policies for temporary housing and subsequently a more rigid posture of the state in regard to favelas. The 1960s and 1970s were periods marked by the removal and political denial of favelas, it was only in the 1980s that the state began to provide public policies to improve favelas. Thus, there has been a gradual acceptance of these occupations in the landscape of the city. Beyond the social problems aforementioned, Chapter 2 points more specifically to the problems of mobility in favelas on hills because of high building density, risks of landslides and precarious road access. In Rio de Janeiro, the state started to intervene in regard to the issue of mobility in favelas during the first term of Leonel Brizola (1983-1987), with the construction of the Inclined Plane in the Pavão Pavãozinho favela. But it was not until the Favela Bairro program that mobility initiatives were executed on a much wider scale, the program initiated walkways and improved stairs which greatly increased accessibility and the flow of traffic on road networks. With an urbanization policy for favelas in motion, other urban mobility transport systems were established, like the inclined plane on the Hill of Santa Marta in 2008 and the elevator of Cantagalo in 2010. While these transport systems assert the presence of the state in marginal communities, the daily transportation of the residents are mainly local options like vans and motorcycle taxis which continue to play a fundamental role and also contribute to the local economy. This generates income for residents because many of the people working with this type of transport also live in the favelas. The chapter then describes cable car technology and looks at specific examples of cable cars built or planning to be built in the favelas of Latin America. The lines of Medellin are used as an example because they inspired so many others like San Agustín in Caracas, Complexo do Alemão in Rio de Janeiro, Providencia in Rio de Janeiro and the cable car project of Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro. The city of Medellin for many years suffered from violence generated by drug trafficking and came to be known in the early 90s as one of the most violent cities in the world. The high murder rate and violence receded after a series of investments that occurred in the city, mainly investments towards urbanization, education and security. The urban planning of Medellin was based on major public interventions through specific projects in the poorest sectors of the city. Initially structured around the cable cars, called Metrocables, and spatially articulated with other projects extended to formal sectors of the city, known as Urban Integral Projects (Proyectos Urbanos Integrales-PUIs), the aim of these initiatives was to connect various urban spaces. One of the characteristics of these projects was the emphasis on aesthetics as an engine for social change. This aesthetic quality to the new cable cars resulted in an increase of residents self-esteem but was also criticized for its stark contrast with poor local reality. In 2004, the Line K of the cable car was constructed in Comunas 1 and 2, and initiated an urban planning of the city based on the theory of Social Urbanism, with several projects aimed at improving infrastructure and education in favelas. In 2010, Line K was supplemented by a transfer to the Line L, which goes to the Arvi Park, an ecological park created on the border of a green area to Comuna 1, stimulating tourism. There is also Line J which meets Comunas 7 and 13, inaugurated in 2008. Medellín has become a model for other cities to adopt the cable car system for transportation in favelas. One example was the cable car of San Agustín in Caracas, designed as an important integrator between the favela and the rest of the city. In January 2010, the system started was connected to the subway. In contrast to Medellin, the Metrocable system in Caracas is characterized with large stations that integrate cultural facilities, sports arenas, and shopping centers together in one convenient location. The estimated daily demand during the planning stages of the project was 15 thousand passengers. Approximately 40,000 people live in San Augustin which means that the demand estimate would amount to 37.5 per cent of the residents. The data in 2012 showed that only 4,500 passengers use the system daily, about three times less than expected, showing that the cable car, which cost 318 million dollars, is being underutilized. In Rio de Janeiro, in the favela Morro da Providência, there is a cable car built and because the favela is considered the first favela in Rio, current projects by the municipal government show that there is interest in promoting tourism and to integrate it with the dynamics of cultural and historical revitalization of the port area and the cable car is the vehicle proposed for this purpose. However, the Hill of Providence (Morro da Providência) is suffering from forced evictions, mainly due to the Morar Carioca project, an urban program of the city government. These interventions have not been discussed with the residents and involve the demolition of nearly half of the residences. The idea is to replace the residences with a historical and cultural center in the favela. According to the city administration, about 42 houses block, in the context of urban landscape, the view of the chapel located at the highest point of the hill and thus those 42 houses would have to be removed. Although the construction of the cable car has also caused the removal of a few houses, its implementation is linked more with tourism in the favela. Various resident led protests organized with activists and supported by critical news sources released in Brazil and abroad, put the Hill of Providence in the spotlight as an example of the negative impact of mega-events on the poor. Consequently, after the injunction obtained in a lawsuit, the projects in the community are at a standstill and the houses that were scheduled to be removed remain standing. In Rocinha, the PAC 2 (Accelerating Growth Program is a federal program that has as the main objective the development of the country through the planning and execution of large urban infrastructure, works in the transportation sector and the energy sector) provides for the cable car installation, an elevator, escalators, and other mobility infrastructure. This project is very controversial because the cable car project has an estimated budget of 700 million reais, an amount that would consume approximately 44 per cent of the total amount available for the PAC 2. Most debate is on the residents priorities, which if considered would require that the funds be applied to the sanitation of the favela, which the current project does not guarantee. In the project under study, the cable car will connect to the future subway station of Line 4 in São Conrado to the top of the favela and have 6 stations distributed in two lines, 2,500 meters long. This would be the third cable car built in the favelas of the city, reflecting a state trend to adopt this transportation method in favelas. It seems that cable cars are more than a modal of mass transport, but also as a way to enter favelas as a new tourist attraction of the city. In Chapter 3, the case study is presented about the cable car of Complexo do Alemão, an integral part of PAC. The cable car was built with 3.4 km in length, 152 cabins half of which are in regular operation, while the other half is parked. The system has six stations and the capacity to carry 30,000 passengers daily. The path between the first transfer station with the train, the Bonsucesso Station, and the last stop, the Palmeiras Station, is traversed in about 20 minutes. Using other means of transport, the time to travel the distance between these two places is about 40 minutes. The six stations are located on the tops of hills that form the intricacies of the favelas and therefore, many residents complain about the accessibility of the system. For those who live far away and do not see advantage in climbing the hill to use the system, it is more common to use van or motorcycle taxis to move around. This is the main reason that the cable car is underused even though residents are entitled to two free trips per day. According to the Supervia, which operates the system, the daily movement of people is about 10,000 to 11,000 people, but, as we reported, the equipment has been design for a capacity of 30,000 passengers per day. The construction of the cable car cost the government R$ 210 million, equivalent to 22.35 per cent of the total PAC work in Complexo do Alemão, and the operating cost is about 50.1 million reais a year. What we can conclude is that the cable car has a relatively high operating cost for low use by residents, and it is also expensive to build. The high investment in the cable car is not justified when there are still major problems to be solved in favelas. One of the main complaints made by residents is the lack of investments in priority areas, such as basic sanitation. As part of this research a survey was given to 50 residents. When asked if the resources used to cable car execution, being very high, could be implemented in other areas, 74 per cent said yes. Among the responses on areas where resources should be invested, they pointed mainly to sanitation, health and education. Some health problems in the favelas worsened while tourism has increased with the use of the cable car. Also according to the data from the Supervia, the percentage of passengers with gratuities, i.e. registered residents using the cable car during the week is 75 per cent and the percentage of those who paid the fare, mostly tourists, is 25 per cent. On weekends, the number of visitors almost doubled: 54 per cent of gratuities and 46 per cent of tourists. The cable car has always had a tourist appeal due to its comfort and excitement by offering the experience of getting a suspended adventure of great heights with a privileged view of the favela landscape. This also happens with the cable car of the Complexo do Alemão, but in another context, within a patrimonialization effort of those spaces. The research makes clear that even with the difficulties within a space precariously built, mobility solutions that were initially created by the residents are still the most used, for example, the alternative transport system like vans and motorcycle taxis. To establish that the cable car is the solution for urban mobility on slopes of slums is quite questionable, as each case requires a specific and detailed study. In the case of the Complexo do Alemão, for example, both positive and negative factors were found. On the one hand the cable car considerably reduced the Bonsucesso travel time to some community points and provided connection with the train, on the other, the number of users contained does not justify its high cost. It is also clear that the general population in favelas want more primary rights met like access to health care, the installation of sewer systems, and competent schools as their priority.

[pt] A dissertação em questão aborda o tema de carsharing, relacionando as políticas públicas para estacionamento de veículos do sistema e as teorias de ocupação e uso do solo. O estudo aborda o histórico do sistema desde a sua aparição na Europa a partir do final da década de 1940 até à presenta data, contextualizando a sua inserção junto à antropologia do consumo e às teorias do planejamento ambiental e urbano. O objetivo do estudo é relacionar as boas práticas para a operação do sistema de carsharing, levando em consideração as diferentes teorias de uso e ocupação do solo e as diferentes políticas de estacionamento adotadas em diversas cidades. O trabalho baseia-se em variados estudos a respeito do tema de carsharing e nas práticas adotadas em municipalidades no Brasil e no exterior. Os dados apresentados neste estudo foram coletados em sites de municipalidades, artigos e publicações relacionadas ao tema. Os dados coletados são apresentados por meio de exemplos e tópicos com a ótica da mobilidade urbana sustentável. As conclusões apontam para as práticas ideais e as alternativas para a inserção do sistema de carsharing a rede de transportes públicos das cidades atuais. / [en] According to the IPCC report (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change), 2004, 23 percent of greenhouse gas emissions effects related to energy were originated in the transport sector. More than half of these emissions were generated by the use of light vehicle ride and motorcycles, defined as individual motorized transport. Half of the energy consumed in the transport sector is intended for individual motorized transport. However, it is carrying less than 25 percent of the world s passengers. Despite this low number, traffic accidents are responsible for one million deaths annually and ten million injured people. This number is part of a list of the ten leading causes of death recorded and reported by health agencies around the world, a rate next to malaria and HIV. A survey conducted by the Ministry of Cities in Brazil in conjunction with the National Department (National Traffic Department) in the year of 2005 shows that the costs of traffic accidents in Brazilian roads reached the number of twenty-two billion reais, a figure that represented 12 percent of the Brazilian GDP, taking into account the loss of production associated with the death of individuals or the interruption of its activities, the costs for health care and care with vehicles.

[pt] O fenômeno da urbanização traz consigo o problema de mobilidade urbana nos grandes centros. A necessidade de vencer médias distâncias em um curto espaço de tempo resultou em um aumento na frota mundial de helicópteros. De acordo com os dados coletados na Agência Nacional de Aviação Civil (ANAC, 2019), a frota brasileira de helicópteros, com registro ativo, aumentou substancialmente nos últimos 40 anos, gerando grandes impactos na implantação de helipontos em áreas urbanas já consolidadas. Um desses impactos diz respeito à poluição sonora e consequentemente os efeitos decorrentes do ruído nas comunidades vizinhas aos locais de pouso e decolagem dessas aeronaves. O objetivo desta pesquisa consiste em discutir como compatibilizar os ruídos gerados com a implantação de helipontos em áreas urbanas já consolidadas por meio de modelagem de projeto baseada em marco teórico legal contemporâneo. A metodologia tem início com a revisão de literatura do planejamento urbano e ambiental, com vistas a acrescentar subsídios teóricos aos debates sobre a legislação que orienta e disciplina o licenciamento de helipontos em grandes metrópoles, análise dos pedidos de licenciamento ambiental e urbanístico, tendo como estudo de caso o licenciamento urbano e ambiental de helipontos no município do Rio de Janeiro e as evoluções tecnológicas para mitigação do ruído. / [en] The use of helicopter aircraft has increased dramatically in recent decades. Following countries like Japan, Australia, United Kingdom, France, Canada and the United States, Brazil has the seventh worldwide helicopter fleet. The city of São Paulo in 2005 was considered in the international ranking, as the second city in number of helicopters in operation (Alves, 2018). The survey of the number of helicopters in 2013 indicated 2076 registered helicopters, with 70 percent of the fleet concentrated in the states of São Paulo (723), Rio de Janeiro (467) and Minas Gerais (246). The Brazilian helicopter fleet has 1398 aircrafts with active registration in May 2018 (reference year: 2017), which corresponds to 14.79 percent of the total of this type of aircraft, which adds up to 9,452 helicopters. Of the total fleet of registered aircraft, the state of São Paulo has 33 percent of the fleet, followed by Rio de Janeiro with 20 percent and Minas Gerais with 11 percent. (ANAC, 2017) Despite the slight drop in the number of aircraft registered since 2016, the trend line continues to increase.Brazil has a large territorial area, occupying the fifth place in the world in countries in this category. Since 1927 the air transport sector has evolved with the economy. The 1994 economic stabilization plan leveraged the sector with significant growth in Brazilian tourism, generating an increase in employment and income, mainly after being chosen to host important sporting events on a global scale, such as the World Cup in 2014 and the 2016 Olympic Games, which significantly boosted the Brazilian air transport sector (Santos, 2015). All this increase in the aeronautical sector brought positive impacts to the economy, mainly in the area of tourism. However, it had a negative impact with regard to noise pollution in the communities surrounding these areas. Following the same path, the implementation of helipads has caused many disturbances to the neighborhood. Noise pollution from overflights, landings and takeoffs, in addition to the risk of accidents, brought up the issue of urban and environmental licensing of helipads. Noise pollution is anthropic pollution and is directly related to urbanization processes, which have been exacerbated with industrialization. In addition, it has a specificity, noise leaves no residue, environmental damage concerns the harm that causes health. It is noted that the concern with urban noise has been increasing in the same proportion as industrial development and population concentration. Consolidated urban areas find it difficult to reconcile activities and enterprises that have high noise levels with the permanence of the population around these areas. The emergence of new environmental technologies for noise reduction, especially in the airport sector and more specifically for helipads inserted in urban areas, as the case in the city of Rio de Janeiro, has mitigated the discomfort in the surrounding communities in the implementation of these projects, which encouraged research in this sector.

[pt] A presente pesquisa pretende investigar como os mecanismos de mercantilização do espaço urbano da zona portuária performatizam a construção de uma nova imagem de cidade para o consumo global, através do projeto de intervenção do Porto Maravilha. Dessa forma, a partir de uma revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema e de uma pesquisa de campo com a realização de entrevistas, buscase refletir sobre o planejamento urbano das cidades contemporâneas, interpretadas enquanto produto mercadológico e vinculadas a um pensamento estratégico citadino. Assim, pretende-se elucidar o debate a respeito da construção de imagens-sínteses de cidades portuárias, das relações entre seus agentes sociais e culturais, assim como dos impactos sociais e econômicos dessas intervenções, especificamente do caso do Porto Maravilha, sobre essa população e o seu território. Além disso, é oportuno destacarmos alguns elementos-chave que fundamentam a análise conceitual e teórica a respeito da mercantilização urbana, tais como o branding urbano, o planejamento estratégico e a gentrificação, uma vez que esses três mecanismos operam numa reificação da cidade enquanto objeto, produto. Por esse viés, pode-se apreender o funcionamento dessa sistemática de planejamento, que visa à produção de ambientes criados para uma expectativa de consumo alinhada a uma cultura do espetáculo, que, por vezes, fere a própria memória do lugar pela prevalência de demandas globais (Sánchez, 2013). Desse modo, a questão central que se pretende explanar é como essa mercantilização do espaço urbano opera no território e seu impacto econômico e social para a área retratada. / [en] The present research intends to investigate how the mercantilization mechanisms of the portuary zone s urban spaces produce the construction and resignification of a new city image for the global consumption, through the intervention project of Porto Maravilha. Therefore, it is proposed a theoretical and conceptual analysis that allows a critical reflection on the urban planning of contemporary cities, interpreted, in this way, as a marketing product and linked to a strategic urban thinking. Thus, it is expected that this critical analysis provides elements to support the debate about how the relations with the portuary zone s social actors are made, as well as the economic and social impacts of this intervention on the population. The matter in question raises the approach to other topics such as urban marketing, strategic planning and gentrification, since these three items operate in the contemporary city in order to transmute it as an object. Urban branding works in order to implement in its intervention field a new identity and image, while influencing not only its structural operation but also the readability of these spaces by its users and inhabitants (SILVA, 2011; LYNCH, 2003). Regarding the transformation of the port area into a large business district, driven by urban and financial capital forces, it is hypothesized that there is an ongoing process of urban gentrification in the region, whose degraded and empty spaces are result of a conception that enhances the objectification of the city, for example the Mauá Plaza, in which we can locate th Museum of Tomorrow and MAR, synthesis-images of the Porto Maravilha project meaning (SÁNCHEZ and GUTERMAN, 2016).

[pt] Em reação aos problemas causados pelo crescimento da urbanização mundial, o movimento da agricultura urbana vem se expandindo e consolidando como infraestrutura verde capaz de gerar novas alternativas para o ambiente urbano e a segurança alimentar, tanto no Norte como no Sul Global. Majoritariamente implantadas em espaços residuais, as hortas urbanas comunitárias promovem dinamismo na produção do espaço e ações de impacto socioambiental que podem contribuir para sustentabilidade e resiliência urbanas. O objeto de estudo desta dissertação é o programa de agricultura urbana comunitária da prefeitura do Rio de Janeiro – Hortas Cariocas, que, desde 2006, viabiliza a produção de alimentos orgânicos em favelas, escolas e vazios urbanos. Buscou-se cruzar o referencial teórico com dados do programa, visitas, entrevistas e aplicação de questionários para analisar o Programa Hortas Cariocas e verificar suas contribuições para a cidade e a Agenda 2030 como vetor de desenvolvimento sustentável no contexto urbano. / [en] Reacting to the problems caused by the growth of world urbanization, the urban agriculture movement has been expanding and consolidating as a green infrastructure able to generate new alternatives for the urban environment and food security, regardless of climate or city location – North or Global South. Mostly implemented in residual spaces, community urban gardens promote dynamism in space production and socioenvironmental impact that can also contribute to urban sustainability and resilience.The object of study of this dissertation is the communal urban agriculture program of the city of Rio de Janeiro – Hortas Cariocas, which since 2006 produces organic food in slums, schools and urban voids. This research aimed to cross the theoretical framework with data from the program, visits, interviews and application of questionnaires to analyze Hortas Cariocas and verify its contributions to the city and 2030 Agenda as a sustainable development vector in the urban context.