In the late 1990s an attempt got underway to develop a new paradigm for cultural development policy at the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). The fruit of these efforts was the adoption of the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, which entered into force in 2007. This binding international treaty has been welcomed for restoring a degree of cultural policy sovereignty to states against some of the pressures of contemporary globalisation, and celebrated for burying some of the political differences between North and South that had pulled UNESCO apart in the 1970s and 1980s. As an instrument with widespread political support the Convention on cultural diversity has also marked something of a landmark event in the more general controversies over the nature of contemporary cultural change and the role of cultural policy in the era of neoliberal globalisation. This thesis is a response to these developments over the last decade, based on a series of studies looking at the processes that led to the formation of the Convention and examining some of the effects of the new framework as they are becoming apparent in the first years following its adoption and entry into force. It looks in particular at the precise points of consensus between North and South that have been found in the new framework of cultural development, examining some of its measures and the way they are coming to feature - or not - in the work of international development agencies, policymakers and cultural industry stakeholders. These observations are developed through two main case studies looking at contemporary attempts at cultural policy reform in China and the Caribbean. The thesis also attempts to offer an alternative perspective to the legal and international relations analyses that have surrounded the Convention and its political controversies so far by approaching them within the framework of social and cultural theory, engaging in particular with recent claims about the transformation of culture into a 'resource' for trade and development in the new global economy. I argue that the new framework tends to conflate cultural rights and recognition with the right of the state to protect and promote activities that it deems worthy of recognition on cultural grounds: this has offered a welcome development to those that have come to have a privileged role to play in the contemporary concern to promote enterprise, production and trade in the knowledge-based economy of content and intellectual property creation, but it has also tended to weaken the position of others whose claims to cultural recognition are inseparable from demands which have little or no protagonism in this framework.

This work has for objective to analyze the rhetorical framework for participatory genre debate in the classroom, focusing on argumentative triad formed by ethos, pathos and logos. It is possible to believe that this triad indicate the set of representations between interactors (speaker and auditorium) and is in the service of their speech. For Debate in the classroom, the practice of language in which participants act not only to persuade/convince each other as well as to trade and build knowledge collectively. By Speech Genre, means the whole practice, whether written or oral, in which the subject to act socially; by Rhetoric, by reference to argument which seeks to persuade/convince, as the layout of the Auditorium. Among the authors studied for this research, can be highlighted: a) on the rhetorical devices, Reboul (2004), Perelman and Obrechts-Tyteca (2014) and Fiorin (2015); b) as genre aspects discursive, Marcuschi (2008) and Dolz and Schneuwly (2004). The methodology used in this research has qualitative aspect, in so far as the activity of debate was observed procedurally and the data were interpreted on the basis of its report. Procedural observations understood the universe of six debates, transcripts based on conversational studies, according to Dionysius (2012). From this universe, it was randomly selected a sample of 25% for analysis. Through the analysis, it was possible to observe, first, that the momentum of exchange of genre debate provided the argumentative expressions of ethe disputed ideas and arguments and, secondly, that this combative relationship between different ethe could be resolved thanks to the array of arguments in the genre Debate. In a third moment, stood out the rhetorical role of moderator/mediator as instigator of discussion. Finally, you can consider that the rhetorical framework for participatory genre-classroom Debate comprises not only etheof the debaters, but also the ethos of the moderator/mediator. / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Alagoas / Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o quadro retórico-participativo do gênero Debate em sala de aula, com enfoque especial na tríade argumentativa formada pelo ethos, pathos e logos. É possível crer que essa tríade indique o jogo de representações entre os interactantes (orador e auditório) e esteja a serviço de seu discurso. Por Debate em sala de aula, entende-se a prática de linguagem em que os participantes atuam não só para persuadir/convencer uns aos outros como também para trocar e construir saberes coletivamente. Por gênero discursivo, entende-se toda prática de linguagem, escrita e oral, em que os sujeitos atuem socialmente; por Retórica, toma-se por referência a argumentação que visa a persuadir/convencer, conforme a disposição do auditório. Dentre os autores estudados para este trabalho, podem ser destacados: a) quanto aos aspectos retóricos, Reboul (2004), Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (2014) e Fiorin (2015); b) quanto aos aspectos de gênero discursivo, Marcuschi (2008) e Dolz e Schneuwly (2004). A metodologia empregada nesta pesquisa tem caráter qualitativo, na medida em que a atividade de debate foi observada processualmente e os dados foram interpretados com base em sua ocorrência. As observações processuais compreenderam o universo de seis debates, transcritos com base nos estudos conversacionais, segundo Dionísio (2012). Desse universo, foi retirada uma amostragem, que foi selecionada aleatoriamente para análise. Por meio das análises realizadas, observou-se, num primeiro momento, que a dinâmica de troca argumentativa do gênero Debate propiciou a manifestação de éthe em disputa de ideias e de argumentos e, num segundo momento, que essa relação combativa entre diferentes éthe pôde ser dirimida graças à disposição dos argumentos no gênero Debate. Num terceiro momento de análise, destacou-se o papel retórico do moderador/mediador como instigador de discussão. Por fim, é possível considerar que o quadro retórico-participativo do gênero debate em sala de aula compreende não apenas os éthe dos debatedores, mas também o ethos do moderador/mediador.

SANTOS, Selma Leitão, também é conhecida em citações bibliográficas por: LEITÃO, Selma / Submitted by Pedro Barros (pedro.silvabarros@ufpe.br) on 2018-10-10T21:09:17Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO Natália Alexandre Barros.pdf: 1650516 bytes, checksum: 2ff2dbc61d4f3602ea736739c7836497 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Alice Araujo (alice.caraujo@ufpe.br) on 2018-11-22T16:47:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO Natália Alexandre Barros.pdf: 1650516 bytes, checksum: 2ff2dbc61d4f3602ea736739c7836497 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-22T16:47:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO Natália Alexandre Barros.pdf: 1650516 bytes, checksum: 2ff2dbc61d4f3602ea736739c7836497 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-28 / FACEPE / Este trabalho teve como objetivo investigar as competências cognitivas mobilizadas nos participantes de dois modelos de debates, a saber, o modelo nomeado de “Tradicional”, que faz referência aos modelos políticos utilizados em sala de aula, e o modelo de Debate Crítico – (MDC). Assumimos neste trabalho a argumentação como uma atividade discursiva, social e de natureza dialógica/dialética, que leva o indivíduo a justificar pontos de vista, considerar perspectivas opostas, alternativas e responder a oposição com o fim último de aumentar a aceitabilidade do seu ponto de vista e diminuir a aceitabilidade do ponto de vista do oponente. O estudo da argumentação no campo da ciência psicológica é relevante por compreendermos que os movimentos discursivos, que são próprios da argumentação, possibilitam o desenvolvimento do pensamento metacognitivo/reflexivo. Apesar do grande impacto do uso do discurso argumentativo na cognição, quando se propõe o uso da argumentação na sala de aula se tem como foco o desenvolvimento da retórica e a aprendizagem de um gênero específico como por exemplo, o debate regrado. O objetivo é permitir ao estudante o desenvolvimento das habilidades necessárias para a apresentação e defesa públicas das ideias, ou seja, é dada especial ênfase nos aspectos retóricos da argumentação. Com o objetivo de utilizar o debate como ferramenta para o desenvolvimento da cognição, Fuentes (2011) propõe uma nova forma de organizar um debate regrado, denominando-o de Debate Crítico. Este modelo surge como uma crítica aos modelos que tem o foco apenas nos aspectos retóricos, e busca evidenciar os aspectos dialéticos e dialógicos do discurso argumentativo, e favorecer o desenvolvimento do pensamento reflexivo. Tendo em vista os aspectos acima mencionados, o presente trabalho se propôs a comparar os dois modelos de debate em termos das competências cognitivas mobilizadas, com o foco principal no aspecto reflexivo possibilitado na e pela argumentação. O estudo proposto teve uma amostra intencional composta de alunos de duas turmas do ensino médio de uma escola pública da região metropolitana da cidade do Recife. Em uma turma foi executado o modelo de debate crítico (adaptado para sala de aula) e em outra turma o modelo de debate regrado apresentado pelo livro didático como orientado no livro didático adotado pela escola. Foram executados três debates para cada modelo. Os debates foram videogravados. A análise dos dados foi feita em dois níveis: microanalítico e macroanalítico. No nível microanalítico buscou-se identificar o discurso argumentativo dos participante utilizadando a unidade de análise proposta por Leitão (2000) composta de argumento, contra-argumento e resposta, e foi dada especial atenção à resposta, já que na unidade de análise é o indicador empírico do movimento reflexivo. No nível macroanalítico buscou-se comparar os dois grupos de debates em relação à produção argumentativa usando também a unidade de análise. Os resultados obtidos demonstraram que os movimentos cognitivos mobilizados pelo modelo de debate tradicional foi, em sua maioria, a formulação de um ponto de vista e, quando solicitado, a sua justificativa. Já as competências mobilizadas pelo modelo de debate crítico foram de explicitar pontos de vista, justificar, formular e responder contra-argumentos. / Este trabajo tuvo como objetivo investigar las competencias cognitivas movilizadas en los participantes de dos modelos de debates, a saber, el modelo denominado "tradicional", que hace referencia a los modelos políticos utilizados en el salón de clase y el modelo de Debate Crítico - (MDC ). En este trabajo se asume la argumentación como una actividad discursiva, social y de naturaleza dialógica/dialéctica, que lleva al individuo a justificar puntos de vista, considerar perspectivas opuestas, alternativas y responder a la oposición con el fin último de aumentar la aceptabilidad de su punto de vista y disminuir la aceptabilidad desde el punto de vista del oponente. El estudio de la argumentación en el campo de la ciencia psicológica es relevante por comprender que los movimientos discursivos, que son propios de la argumentación, posibilitan el desarrollo del pensamiento metacognitivo/reflexivo. A pesar del gran impacto del uso del discurso argumentativo en la cognición, cuando se propone el uso de la argumentación en el salón de clase se tiene como foco el desarrollo de la retórica y el aprendizaje de un género específico como por ejemplo el debate reglado. El objetivo es permitir al estudiante el desarrollo de las habilidades necesarias para la presentación y defensa pública de las ideas, es decir, se hace especial énfasis en los aspectos retóricos de la argumentación. Con el objetivo de utilizar el debate como herramienta para el desarrollo de la cognición, Fuentes (2011) propone una nueva forma de organizar un debate reglado, denominándolo Debate Crítico. Este modelo surge como una crítica a los modelos que tienen enfatizan sólo en los aspectos retóricos y busca evidenciar los aspectos dialécticos y dialógicos del discurso argumentativo, así como favorecer el desarrollo del pensamiento reflexivo. Considerando los aspectos arriba mencionados, el presente trabajo se propuso comparar los dos modelos de debate en términos de las competencias cognitivas movilizadas, enfatizando, principalmente, en el aspecto reflexivo posibilitado por la argumentación. El estudio propuesto contó con una muestra intencional compuesta por estudiantes de dos grupos de enseñanza media de una escuela pública de la región metropolitana de la ciudad de Recife. En un grupo se realizó el modelo de debate crítico (adaptado para el aula) y en otro grupo el modelo de debate reglado tal como especificado en el libro didáctico adoptado por la escuela. Se realizaron tres debates para cada modelo. Los debates se grabaron. El análisis de los datos se realizó en dos niveles: microanalítico y macroanalítico. En el nivel microanalítico se buscó identificar el discurso argumentativo de los participantes utilizando la unidad de análisis propuesta por Leitão (2000) compuesta de argumento, contra-argumento y respuesta, y se prestó especial atención a la respuesta, ya que en la unidad de análisis es el indicador empírico del movimiento reflexivo. En el nivel macroanalítico se buscó comparar los dos grupos de debates en relación a la producción argumentativa usando también la unidad de análisis. Los resultados obtenidos demostraron que los movimientos cognitivos movilizados por el modelo de debate tradicional fueron, en su mayoría, la formulación de un punto de vista y, cuando solicitado, su justificación. Las competencias movilizadas por el modelo de debate crítico fueron explicitar puntos de vista, justificar, formular y responder contra-argumentos.

Il existe une véritable « civilisation du théâtre » en France au XIXe siècle. Cette thèse analyse l’ensemble des débats parlementaires qui s’y rapportent de 1789 à 1914 à partir d’un vaste corpus de sources, en particulier les débats budgétaires, les pétitions, les questions et interpellations et les projets de loi. La première partie interroge la contribution parlementaire à la politique théâtrale de l’Etat à travers trois leviers d’action. Le « système du privilège » s’oppose à la logique libérale de l’industrie théâtrale entre 1807 et 1864. La subvention que l’Etat accorde aux théâtres passe de la liste civile au budget de l’Etat à partir de 1820 : ce transfert de souveraineté menace le principe même de la subvention en le soumettant de façon inédite aux aléas des débats parlementaires. La censure constitue le troisième grand levier d’action sur les théâtres, que l’Etat conserve jusqu’en 1905 : l’analyse des arguments pour la justifier ou la combattre met en exergue une corrélation peu évidente entre les convictions énoncées et la culture politique des parlementaires. La seconde partie montre comment leur participation à la politique théâtrale de l’Etat peut être envisagée comme un révélateur de la viepolitique au XIXe siècle. La plongée au cœur de l’action parlementaire, en commission, à la tribune, ou à l’extérieur du Parlement, débouche sur une typologie des parlementaires intervenant sur le théâtre. La question théâtrale est ensuite envisagée au miroir du parlementarisme, tandis que l’instrumentalisation politique des débats sur le théâtre est soulignée à travers les nombreuses digressions internes qui les affectent. La troisième partie s’attèle enfin à comprendre les préoccupations esthétiques et sociales des parlementaires du XIXe siècle à l’égard de la vie théâtrale, envisagée du triple point de vue du répertoire, des auteurs et des artistes, et propose ainsi une histoire parlementaire du goût. / There is a real “theatre civilization” in France in the 19th century. This thesis analyses thewhole of parliamentary debates about this ‘’theatre civilization’’ between 1789 and 1914 based on alarge corpus of sources, including especially the budgetary debates, petitions, questions andinterpellations, and bills. The first part questions the parliamentary contribution to the State theatricalpolicies through three levers of action. The “privilege system” goes against the liberal logic of thetheatre industry between 1807 and 1864. The grant given by the State to the theatres goes from thecivil list to the State budget in 1820 : this sovereignty transfer undermines the very principle of grant,by making it subject to the whims of parliamentary debates in an entirely new way. Censorshipconstitutes the great third lever of action on theatres that the state retains until 1905 : the analysis ofthe arguments aimed at justifying or fighting censorship brings out a not so obvious correlationbetween the expressed beliefs and the political culture of Parliament members. The second part showshow the participation of Parliament members in the State theatre policies can be considered as anindicator of the political life in the 19th century. The dive into the heart of parliamentary action, incommittee, at the tribune or outside the parliament opens into a typology of Parliaments membersintervening about theatres. The theatrical matter is next considered in the mirror of parlementarismwhile the political instrumentation of debates about theatre is underlined through the many internaldigressions which affect them. Finally, the third part gets down to understanding the aesthetic andsocial concerns of the Parliament members in the 19th century towards the theatre life consideredunder a triple view point of repertory, authors and artists, thus suggesting a parliamentary history oftaste.

The Swedish television series “Kalifat” premiered on January 12th, 2020 and quickly became heavily debated in the Swedish media for its portrayal of Islam and Muslim people. The aim of this research is to study the arguments and attitudes found in this debate and relate them to the theoretical framework of media dissemination and mediatization. The theoretical perspectives creating the foundation for this study is the formative, reflexive and representative media dissemination as presented by Hodkinson (2017). The mediatization theory will also be used to situate the debate and the series itself within a broader context. The empirical material used in this study consists of 10 Swedish debate articles published between January 19th and February 18th 2020.  A qualitative argumentation analysis has been used to identify the attitudes and arguments in the debate. In addition, these have been coded, categorized and structured in accordance with a systematic text condensation. The analysis shows that there are both positive and negative attitudes towards the series, with most of the arguments in the debate conveying a negative attitude towards the series and its portrayal of Muslims and Islam. These arguments are mainly related to stereotypification, prejudices and negative representation. Arguments related to a more positive attitude towards “Kalifat” is connected to the journalists view of what the series is trying to impart upon the audience, and its realistic representation of an important topic in society.   In relation to the three concepts of media dissemination the study has concluded that the different arguments relate to the interconnectedness of media and religion. The study shows that most of the arguments put forward can be understood in this context by implementing the understanding of media as conduits, language and environments. The study also concludes that both the debate and the series itself can be interpreted and understood in relation to all these media functions. The results found in the study also correlate with previous research on the subject.

To own the Holocaust  The aim of this study has been to summarise and analyse the use of history in the debate surrounding the building of a swedish Holocaust memorial museum. Material used in the study included consultations of SOU 2020:21 from various authorities/agencies and NGO´s, editorials and debate articles from Sweden's leading newspapers and motions and written questions written by members of the swedish parliament. The methods used were textual analysis and hermeneutics. The material was analyzed via Karlsson's typology of use of history.   The study shows that the memory of the Holocaust is being used in different ways depending on the users geografical, political, organizational and/or etnical backgrounds. This affects the concept of the Holocaoust and its moral implication in various ways. Organizations representing the romani community, for example, wants the roma to be included in the Holocaust-concept and the illuminates the historical crualties that the roma´s have endured in order to further that argument. Organizations and political parties emphasize their connections to the Holocaust in order to discredit opponents or to further political or economical/social agendas. The result of this use is a variance in the existential, moral and political implications of the Holocaust.  Another result, which in no way is disconnected from the ones mentioned earlier, is a variance in the ways in which the history of Sweden is linked to that of the Holocaust. The use varies according to where the debater wants to place the museum, a choice which is strongly linked to the author's geographical background. This results in different universalistic implications of the holocausts causes, proceedings and effects.

This thesis explores fictional representations of women’s reading practices in the early novels of Fredrika Bremer. I examine these in relation to the negotiations of reading habits in Sweden and Europe during the 1830’s, particularly pertaining to questions of gender, intimacy, desire, and corporeality. The material consists of three novels (The Family H***, The Neighbours and Home), in which the motif of women’s reading plays a significant part. In the four chapters of the thesis, I analyse key aspects of gender and reading in Bremer’s novels: 1) the popular stereotype of obsessive novel reading, and how this specific practice is portrayed in relation to the duties of a wife and mother, as well as to intimacy and secrecy; 2) representations of corrupted or illicit readers, whose reading practices disturbs the confines of nineteenth-century femininity; and 3) how these characters may challenge or bypass the restrictions of gender roles through fictional engagement. The thesis argues that Bremer’s representations of women’s reading are more complex and varied than has previously been recognized, and it reveals new aspects of these representations, such as the significance of intimacy with oneself and others in Bremer’s depictions of silent reading practices, and the transgressive power of feminine empathy. / <p>Camilla Wallin Bergström heter numera Camilla Wallin Lämsä</p>

In 2016, the Great Britain became the first Member State to organize a referendum about its membership in the European Union, which led to the decision to leave it. In the much controversial campaign, which led to the vote itself, the media identified three key issues off the Membership debate: the EU economy, immigration to the Great Britain and the position of the country in the world. The media also tent to describe the debate as "filthy". One of the unusual and horrifying factors were death threats to few of the political actors, as well as assassination of the Labour politician Jo Cox. Given the context, out of the three key issues, the immigration became the most controversial one, especially because of the actions of the UKIP party. Their than chairman Nigel Farage was eager to take pictures in front of two billboards they've put up - one of which captured thousands of refugees waiting on the borders, the other one implying more than 1 million Turks could enter the country in the near future. Both of those billboards were put up to stir the fear of the migration in the country. This paper concludes of different approaches to immigration presented by the both political camps - "Leave" and "Remain". Based on the analysis of the transcripts of the eleven televised debates it describes key...

Depuis son origine, l'Union soviétique n'a cessé d'être en France l'objet d'un vif débat politique et intellectuel, un lieu de transposition des affrontements idéologiques hexagonaux. Alors que deux images contradictoires de l'URSS se sont formées au XXe siècle – celle de l'incarnation du socialisme et celle d'une dictature repoussante – la décennie qui débute en 1975 voit le triomphe en France de l'image noire du régime soviétique, dont le bilan est jugé complètement négatif, malgré une courte période d'interrogations suscitée par les réformes gorbatchéviennes. Cette évolution est le résultat d'un intense affrontement politique et idéologique hexagonal autour de la « réalité » du socialisme soviétique au moment où l'Union de la gauche propose un projet socialiste pour la France : l'Union soviétique se retrouve alors étroitement imbriquée dans les débats politiques, syndicaux, intellectuels français, constituant alors la ligne de démarcation principale entre communistes et non-communistes. La réintroduction du concept de totalitarisme, l'identification à la lutte de la dissidence est-européenne et la dénonciation de l'impérialisme soviétique pendant la période de « guerre fraîche » constituent les différentes facettes de cette lutte dont le résultat est le développement d'un fort antisoviétisme en France, allant jusqu'à une certaine remise en cause des relations bilatérales. L'amalgame entretenu entre les deux socialismes – de l'Est et de l'Ouest – contribue à la fois à la marginalisation du Parti communiste français qui peine à redéfinir ses relations avec les partis frères, de l'affirmation du « socialisme aux couleurs de la France » au bilan « globalement positif » des pays de l'Est, mais affecte aussi de manière plus générale l'idée de socialisme en France. Après des années de sympathie pour le communisme, les intellectuels français basculent massivement dans un anticommunisme virulent: la substitution du binôme capitalisme/socialisme au profit du couple démocratie/totalitarisme se traduit par l'abandon des traditions révolutionnaires de la gauche française. La vision libérale de l'histoire triomphe alors, entraînant une condamnation totale et définitive du régime soviétique qui précède, de loin, sa fin en 1991. / From its beginning, the Soviet Union has always been the subject of a fierce political and intellectual debate in France, a place on which ideological French confrontations were transfered. During the 20th century, two conflicting images of USSR were created – the embodiment of socialism and of a repulsive dictature – but after 1975 the dark image of the soviet system prevails. Its assessment is judged as completely negative, despite Gorbachev's era of reforms. This change is the result of an intense political and ideological French confrontation about what soviet socialism really is at the time when the Union of the Left is putting forward a socialist project for France : thus, the Soviet Union becomes closely interlocked in any debate in French political parties, unions and intellectual circles, acting as a dividing line between communists and others. The reintroduction of the concept of totalitarianism, the identification to the fight of Eastern Europe dissidents and the highlighting of soviet military imperialism during the second cold war are the different parts of this fight which results in the growth of a strong anti-sovietism in France and in a kind of adjournment of bilateral relations with the USSR. The amalgam between western and eastern socialism leads to the marginalization of the French Communist Party, which is not able to redefine its relations with the eastern sister parties, from the French way to socialism (“socialisme aux couleurs de la France”) to the globally positive assessment of Eastern socialist countries. It also affects the general idea and contents of socialism in France. After years of sympathy for communism, French intellectuals massively swing to an acerbic anticommunism: the opposition between capitalism and socialism is replaced by the one between democracy and totalitarianism, and, because of that, French Left revolutionary traditions are abandoned. At that point, the liberal vision of history prevails, and leads to the total and definitive condemnation of the soviet regime, preceding by far its end in 1991.

Over the years, the consumption of airplane travels has increased, and the aviation industry is seen as one of the fastest growing sources for greenhouse gases. As a result, the climate debate has intensified and the phenomenon “flight-shame” has been introduced which has contributed to more environmental awareness. Despite this, consumers still choose to fly and therefore, the purpose of this study is to explore how the climate debate and the phenomenon “flight-shame” influence consumer behaviour in the aviation industry. Empirical data was collected through four focus groups and a total of 18 travellers participated in this study. Based on the answers from the focus group, this study has found that factors such as consumer needs, values, and reference groups influence consumers’ decision to fly or not to fly differently depending on their travel motives. Moreover, the climate debate and “flight-shame” is also found to influence the consumer behaviour of some leisure travellers whereas they have mostly influenced consumer attitudes of business travellers. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of the underlying factors which influence consumers’ decisions to fly or not to fly. Moreover, it highlights the media as an additional influence on consumer behaviour which to the best of our knowledge has not been explored before. Also, the study sheds light on the importance of green marketing communication by airlines. Lastly, limitations are discussed, and future research is suggested to extend and address the generalizability of the findings by a quantitative research.