冷戰結束後，傳統歐陸最大的威脅頓然消失，歐洲各國在地緣政治的合縱連橫思維下，外交折衝與軍事結盟不斷運作，一時之間顯得無所適從。世界局勢的改變，令身為歐陸領導地位的大國──「法國」，幾經思考、反省、爭辯與突破，最終致力於國防政策的變革，始成為法國自冷戰結束以來，自我羽化蛻變的主要動力。 90年代初期；我國突破外交困境並毅然決定採購法國關鍵性軍事裝備（6艘拉法葉級巡防艦與60架幻象2000-5型戰機）。緊接著；我海、空軍官兵大規模遠赴海外，展開一連串換裝新艦、新機之歷史性任務。在此同時；我國空軍除了在硬體的武器裝備上，獲得有形的質量成長外，如何從法國空軍自冷戰結束後，自我演進的具體成效中，學習並找尋對我空軍現階段防務改革的成長空間，據以建議未來空軍建軍備戰的調整方向。 本論文之研究目的，理所當然地欲從解構法國國防在跨世紀過程中所進行的各項政策調整與武力演進，並且植基於筆者身為空軍專業的優勢身份，獲得取法他人、反思自我、精益求精的研究目的。值於此刻我空軍完成新一代兵力換裝，並持續進行「精進案、精實案」大幅人力精簡的同時，法國空軍的演進與脫變過程，確實深值得我空軍師法與參考。

欲瞭解一個國家的行為，就必須要瞭解這個國家的整體行為，而這整體的行為所表現者，即是「文化」。從戰略文化的研究途徑做一切入點，正可深入瞭解一個國家戰爭的行為，甚而可以預測未來戰爭的發生。而維繫國防安全的軍人自當對中共戰略與戰爭模式，應有相當的了解與認知；也希望藉著對戰略文化的瞭解，探照中共對外戰爭實例，探尋中共對外戰爭的模式，進而提供國防戰略因應對策，才不愧於自己的職責所在。 就中華民國的生存發展而言，海峽對岸的中共無疑是我生存發展的最大威脅，而兩岸在軍事武力的不對稱下，中共時時以「不放棄武力」，極盡挑釁之威脅，而台灣除了默默軍事備戰外，在政治，外交生存上，也只能低調回應，這也可看出中共武力對台已具有足夠的軍事力量解決統一台灣問題。目前兩岸之間最大的障礙是由領土主權爭議所衍生的問題，而領土主權問題又很容易引起戰爭，在這種壓力下，台灣將如何去面對，這是一門重要的課題。國內學術界對於兩岸關係的研究，多偏向政策方面而較少理論方面的探討，其實，藉由理論層面的研究而詮釋海峽兩岸互動過程與未來發展，有助於強化政策建議的內涵與深度，觀諸台海兩岸未來的安全發展，若能以戰略文化研究途徑，作為觀察的理論基礎，對於台海武力衝突的可能性，及中共對於使用武力的政治目的、手段與效用或許能提供新的詮釋與政策建議，由於潛在的戰略文化，會使決策者的戰略偏好及使用兵力解決爭議的傾向產生影響，因此，武力在未來台海安全的發展中，仍會是一個關鍵的重要角色，所以透過對中共戰略文化內涵的分析與掌握的研究途徑，進而對其軍事戰略與對外戰爭模式加以研究，期能深入瞭解中共在何種情況下，會不惜一切的以戰爭來解決問題，進而思考台海雙方在既有戰略思維下審慎避免誤判或誤認，讓動武甚至檫槍走火的意外情勢均不會發生；以提供吾人從事國家安全政策及國防戰略規劃相關人員參考研究與運用。 / In order to understand the behavior of a country, it is necessary to learn its behavior in a macro scale, and the representation of such behaviors is known as the “Culture”. From the strategic culture perspective, it provides an in-depth understanding of a country’s use of military forces, as well as the prediction of future wars. Especially for the military personnel who are the key to the national security, they shall have the understanding and knowledge to the People’s Republic of China’s initiation on wars; through the study of strategic culture, examples of PRC’s use of military power, research of PRC’s initiation on wars, I shall fulfill my duty by providing recommendation towards the national security strategies in order to protect the country. To the Republic of China, the PRC from the cross strait is the biggest threat to our country’s survival and development, under the unbalance of military power, PRC constantly provokes and threatens by stating “not giving up the use of force”. In contrast, Taiwan is much more low-profile in the military preparation, politics, and diplomacy. This is a strong indicator that the PRC’s military force has the capability and could to use its power to unify Taiwan. Currently the biggest obstacle between the two sides is the territorial dispute from sovereignty, and it is a subject that can easily trigger wars. It is an important subject for Taiwan to deal with under pressure. Many of the existing academic researches focus on the policy aspect and less on the theoretical perspective. In fact, through the theoretical interpretation of cross-strait interaction and future development can strengthen the content and depth of policy recommendations, and the future safety development. Through the use of strategic culture as the research methodology, it will identify the probability of cross-strait conflict, the PRC’s political execution of military power, tactics, and effectiveness. This strategic cultural perspective may provide new definition and policy recommendation, as it studies the decision maker’s strategic preferences and their tactics. Therefore, the military power plays a significant role in the development of the cross-strait safety, and by analyzing the PRC’s strategic culture and research of its military strategy and war mode, will provide in-depth understanding of the circumstances under which the PRC will stop at nothing to solve the problem with war, and to avoid misunderstanding or misinterpretation through the strategic culture from both sides. This will further prevent wars from occurred by accidents: hence, this national security policy and defense strategic referencing may provide values to be researched and utilized by the associated members.

90年代起，德國再統一後躍上全球政治舞臺，從過去歐洲安全的顧慮之國，轉型成為今日歐洲政治、經濟與軍事穩定力量。但是在後冷戰時期，過去許多次級威脅因子失去了壓抑力量後，成為後冷戰時期新形態的安全議題，威脅全球政治與經濟的穩定與安全。面對這些紛踵沓至的威脅，德國一方面必須鞏固與維護自身冷戰期間所累積的經貿成就，另一方面則積極配合聯合國、北大西洋公約組織與歐洲聯盟的決策，派遣聯邦國防軍遠赴海外，從事維和、軍事、人道與救援等國際性任務，追求自身外交正常化的目標。 本文研究發現，1991年至2009年為止，聯邦國防軍在過去19年來的71項海外維和、軍事、人道與救援等國際性任務，都嚴格限定在聯合國、北約與歐盟憲章的框架下，恪遵既有的國際秩序與國內憲法規範，實踐身為聯合國、北約與歐盟成員國的義務，成為上述三大國際組織最倚賴的軍事力量。 雖然歷年來德國政府已透過具體的立法與釋憲過程，排除《基本法》限制德國海外派兵政策的規範，但是行政部門的決策過程中仍須面臨國內外輿論對於德國海外派兵政策的反對與疑慮；加上德國政府每年投入國防建軍的經費有限，聯邦國防軍的軟硬體設備未必能夠負擔高頻率與海外派兵任務，眾多因素都使聯邦國防軍多年來的派兵成效有限。 德國再統一後雖於積極參與三大國際組織框架行動，配合自身的外交折衝談判與軍事影響力，欲積極重塑其國家的地位。面對諸多主客觀的限制與未臻成熟的條件，德國重返正常化國家的過程仍將艱辛無比。 / Since the re-unification in 90’s, Germany has leaped upon the stage of the global politics. With much effort, Germany has successfully rendered itself from “a nation of grave concern to European security” into “a stable political, economic and military power in modern Europe.” However, during the post-Cold War era, those probable and minor threats, which were suppressed by the huge atmosphere of U.S.-Soviet confrontation, will appear to became the new forms of security issues in the 21st century, and further to jeopardize the global political and economic security and stability. Dealing with these countless and non-stopping new forms of threat, Germany, on the one hand, must secure its existent accomplishment in trade and the miracle of economic development, and also, on the other hand, actively accommodate the decisions and charters of the United Nations, North Atlantic Treaty Organization and European Union, to pursue Germany’s “normalized diplomacy ”by deploying its Federal Defense Army, Bundeswehr, into the overseas hostile spots, to implement the peacekeeping, military, humanitarian and rescue operations. From 1991 to 2009, Bundeswehr has participated in 71 international peacekeeping, military, humanitarian and rescue operations, which were all implemented strictly under the framework and the charters of the UN, NATO and EU. Over the past 19 years, Germany has obediently complied with the existent regulations of the international laws and the German constitution, Grundgestez, and fulfilled the compulsory obligations as the member of the 3 institutions stated above. For this matter of fact, Bundeswehr has become the reliable military force in these institutions. This thesis has drawn the humble conclusions that although the German executive branches has overruled the legal obstacles and set new paths of deploying Bundeswehr overseas by the legislative move and the explication of the Grundgestez, the executive branches will always tackle the domestic criticism and the international skepticism; meanwhile, the executive branches have never allocated even more sufficient annual budget for the military branches to maintain its readiness-rate, therefore the training of personnel, software, equipment and facilities may not genuinely satisfy the needs for actual battles and afford the frequent and distant operations. The combination of these problem has compromised the actual consequence and the efficiency of Germany’s overseas military deployments in the past two decades. Having endeavored so hard to comply with the operations under the framework of the three major institutions, accompanying its maneuvering of diplomacy and military significance, Germany will still have to give much toil and labor to re-shape its international status. Nevertheless, being obstructed by the immature subjective and objective conditions, Germany’ road returning to its Normalcy of the state will still be long and difficult.

面對近年來恐怖主義持續壯大及ISIS恐怖組織，由其面對孤狼恐怖主義(lone wolf terrorism)攻擊頻繁發生在世界各地，如挪威槍擊事件、波士頓馬拉松爆炸案、國內高鐵行李爆裂物及法國查理週刊等事件中，就可以看出恐怖主義在全球漫延。在2016年美國恐怖主義報告中提到，「東亞國家積極參與打擊恐怖主義，以澳大利亞、日本、馬來西亞、紐西蘭、南韓、新加坡及臺灣是全球打擊ISIS聯盟的合作夥伴。」可見我國面對恐怖主義已是美國盟友之一，並不能置身事外，需要面對未知的恐怖攻擊並想辦法應對，只有做好萬全的準備才能在發生恐攻時迅速解決。目前我國已制定初步的反恐怖行動策略，雖然在中華民國尚未發生重大的恐怖行動，我們還是必須做準備，瞭解自己有多大能量能因應能恐怖攻擊，在機制上如何上下通聯及左右協調，確保整個機制能正常運作。 國軍依行政院指導，就部隊能力及恐怖攻擊行動性質，完成反恐任務部隊整備，依令執行反恐應援任務。當國內發生恐怖攻擊事件時，依行政院國土安全應變中心任務需求，由國軍聯合作戰指揮中心派遣專責、專業、地區應變部隊，協力反恐應援任務。為防止恐怖主義對國家的威脅，必須建立相關機制及應變單位，我國國軍主要反恐任務部隊，主要為憲兵特勤隊、陸軍航特部特勤中隊及海軍陸戰隊特勤中隊等三支特勤隊，而憲兵特勤隊成立之初就是因反恐而編成，所以不論在裝備、人員、武器及訓練上都可做為國內反恐的指標。但在解嚴後的執行面漸漸被警察及海巡特勤隊取代其任務，若在恐攻發生時要如何執行反恐任務，在國家及國防部反恐機制中能否運作，憲兵本就具有軍司法警察身分，擔負協力維護治安的重任，更是國家元首的鐵衛軍，在實際上執行任務有法可依循，在國軍精減後繼續朝向「量少、質精、戰力強」的目標邁進，要如何應證憲兵特勤隊的能力，一方面需要法規及制度的配合，另一方面要完備反恐各整備，才能在關鍵時刻完成任務。 / The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate and study the role of MPSSC in the chain of command within the anti-terrorism mechanism system. Faced with escalating threat of international terrorism and ISIS regime in recent years, lone wolf terrorism attacks have frequently occurred around the globe, to name a few: the 2011 Norway attacks, Boston Marathon bombings, Taiwan high-speed rail baggage bursts and French Charlie Weekly and other events. In the 2016 United States Terrorism Report, “East Asian countries have been actively involved in the fight against terrorism, with Australia, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan as partners in the global fight against ISIS.” ROC (Taiwan) has been taking important role as one of the American allies and cannot be left out of the fight. The island country is ought to be prepared for an unknown yet possible terrorist attack. Though thus far no major terrorism activities had burst out in Taiwan, the government has already proposed a preliminary strategy for anti-terrorism action, in the event of possible terrorist actions on the island. The island country must be prepared and understand how much energy it can produce to deal with terrorist attacks, as well as efficient internal coordination in the chain of command within the anti-terrorism mechanism. The ROC (Taiwan) Executive Yuan commands The island country’s National Army. The Army formulates a counter-terrorism task force in terms of its military capability and the nature of a terrorist attacks. In the event of a terrorist attacks, the Executive Yuan Homeland Security Response Center issues mission statement and the National Army Joint Operations Command Center is responsible to compose and deploy a dedicated, professional, contingency local forces. In order to prevent the threat, relevant mechanisms and contingency units are required to establish. The island country`s main anti-terrorism task force: MPSSC, the Airborne Special Service Company (ASSC) and the Chinese Marine Corps Special Service Company (CMC.SSC). The MPSSC was initially founded to fight against terrorism, therefore in terms of equipment, personnel, weapons and training can be demonstrated as a domestic anti-terrorism indicators. Yet starting in the 80s, post Martial-Law period, Wei-An Police Special Services Commando (WAPSSC) and Coast Guard Administration Special Task Unit (CGA-STU) has gradually took over in importance. In the event of a terrorist attack, the role of the MPSSC and its frame of operation within the Ministry of Defense mechanism are still not clear. The MPSSC is the military police, by its nature and the law; it is committed to the task of maintaining law and order. The MPSSC is also the iron guard of the president. After the streamline of the National Army, the goal strive to a “less, quality, strong fighting” forces is still in process. In order to prove and account for the ability of the MPSSC, a clear, regulated law and institutional cooperation in required on one hand, and a combat -ready preparation status is also required on the other hand.