本論文共壹冊，三萬字，計分五章，其內容如下： 第一章導論 第一節研究動機與目的：國內過去鮮見電視新聞守門人之研究，本文企圖探討我國電 視新聞守門人之守門行為及其表現。 第二節理論背景 第三節電視新聞與社會系統 第四節電視新聞的製作過程 第二章研究方法 第一節研究期間及時段：以民國六十八年下半年至七十三年上半年之台視晚間新聞及 其守門人為研究對象。 第二節研究方法：包括內容分析法及小樣本調查訪問。 第三節內容分析項目：按「行政區域」及新聞性質等多種項目進行內容分析。 第四節調查訪問題目：查訪對象包括（１）黨政新聞決策輔導人士（２）媒介內新聞 決策人（３）媒介內新聞執行人。 第三章研究結果 第一節內容分析結果 第二節調查訪問結果 第四章研究發現 第一節我國電視新聞媒體的社會系統 第二節五年來電視新聞的回顧 第五章結論與建議

本論文的研究目的在探討影響電視新聞編輯編排的因素，以及24小時新聞台編輯因應這些因素發展出來的編排策略。依照Shoemaker〈1991〉所提的影響守門人因素的五個層次，包括個人層面、常規層面、組織層面、媒介外層面以及社會文化層面，作為分析架構，藉此了解電視編輯對於各層面的因素對其影響的程度，問卷調查總計訪問了127位新聞台的編輯人員，再針對問卷調查的分析結果，以深度訪談的方式訪問7位編輯人員。研究結果發現個人層面對新聞台編輯的影響主要包括：編輯在新聞價值判斷上偏重新聞的話題性及畫面的精采度；而越年輕、職務越低的編輯再編排新聞時越容易受到個人喜好影響；另外「獨家新聞」無論其新聞價值性如何，編輯普遍都盡量會排播。 常規層面部分，最主要影響的因素是「時間」面向，包括到帶時間及新聞播出的時間篇幅限制；而編輯負責的編排時段也會影響新聞的選擇，如是「黃金時段」新聞選擇較多樣化，「一般時段」就會考量「消化」新聞；而編輯一次負責編排的時數也會影響新聞的重複率；另外，晚夜時段編輯較早午時段編輯不偏愛SNG連線。編輯通常會選播做新聞品質較有口碑的記者的新聞；另外，編輯普遍認為一則普通新聞長度最好不要超過90秒；而平衡報導的操作模式已內化在編輯的操作模式中。 組織層面部分，部份編輯認為電視台屬性確實會影響其編排；而年紀輕、資歷淺、職務低的編輯也較會受到長官指示編排新聞；在「以編領採」的新聞室內，其新聞製作及編排方向越會以收視率為導向；而組織文化會影響編輯對於新聞品質的要求；本研究也發現組織獎懲對於編輯編排的影響不大。 媒介外層面部分，有93.7%的編輯認為其編排時會考量收視率，而且教育程度越高、年資越久的編輯影響越高，顯示收視率已逐漸內化成編輯判斷新聞的實考模式，而且前一天的收視率對於新聞規模及擺放位置有關鍵性指標；在禁止「每分鐘收視率」之後，編輯通常是以新聞區塊或新聞節奏思考觀眾喜好的趨向。另外被要求編排「業配新聞」對編輯而言是習以為常的事，通常編輯會將之排在新聞的最後，或依照業配新聞的性質隱藏在其他新聞之間。另外年紀越輕、資歷越淺、職務越低的編輯越容易受到其他媒體議題設定的影響；而本研究也發現，編輯是電視新聞「跟報風」的推手之一。 在社會文化層面，編輯認為若社會環境趨勢也是影響其編排的重大指標。另外編輯也認為馬賽克、消音等製播限制有逐漸增加趨勢，甚至在編播上有自我更加限縮的情況。本研究也發現，媒體自律隱隱成形，對於暴力、色情、自殺新聞的選擇並沒有放寬，尤其是自殺新聞基本上不選用。 比較五個層面的影響程度，編輯普遍認為媒介外層面是最主要的原因，其次為個人層面、接續是社會層面、組織層面及常規層面。 關於編輯編排策略上，研究發現編排模式會融合固定新聞模式及議題分散模式為主；編排節奏也趨於緊湊；新聞編排的重複率降低。除了TVBS恢復「整點開播」之外，其他新聞台仍是提早開播，因TVBS「整點開播」模式對其他台的收視率無明顯受衝擊，因此其他台均認為沒有跟進的必要。「短廣告」策略出現，其目的是為了減低觀眾廣告轉台機率，並且分散每段廣告時間的廣告量；此策略目前僅TVBS使用，其他台為跟進的原因是考量其觀眾的收視習慣不同。本研究也發現監看友台而調動新聞順序的頻率減少；並且插播新聞也已非隨到隨播；另外「假連線」已成目前新聞台的製播常態。 / This thesis aims to investigate the factors affecting TV news editing and the responsive strategy developed by editors in 24-hour news channel. It adopts Shoemaker’s (1991) five levels of gatekeeping decisions and forces, including individual, communication routines, organizational, extramedia, and social system level. Based on this analytical framework, the research was conducted by survey of 127 editors which was followed by in-depth interview of 7 editors. The research findings can be summarized into the five levels respectively. On individual level, editors preferred to evaluate news with the extent of controversy and excitement; the younger and lower-positioned editors were more easily to be subjective in editing news. Furthermore, “exclusive news” enjoyed higher priority to be broadcast regardless of its news value. On communication routine level, the influential factors are “time-related”. First, editors were concerned about the timing of videotape arriving and limited length of broadcasting time. Second, the session for which editors were responsible was also important. The news was more diversified in “prime time”, but more repetitive in “general session”. Third, editors of morning and noon sessions were more likely to conduct SNG connection than editors of late night session. Fourth, editors preferred to broadcast the news reported by reporters with fine reputation. Moreover, the consensus among editors was that general news should not be longer than ninety seconds; the principle of balanced report has been internalized in editors’ operational model. On organizational level, interviewees agreed that attributes of the channel and organizational culture were more consequential than reward system in news editing. The younger, lower-positioned, and junior editors were more likely to follow instructions from supervisors. Generally, the producing and editing of news were rating-oriented. On extramedia level, 93.7 per cent of interviewees would consider rating in news editing, especially the more educated and senior editors. This result indicated that rating has been internalized as the standard of editing. Specifically, the pridian rating is critical in deciding the length and placement of news in the following day. However, after the “rating per minute” was prohibited, editors inferred audience preference from news zone or news rhythm. Furthermore, “product placement” was placed in the end of or among other news according to its characteristics. This study also found that editors partook in promoting the trend of “follow suit” TV news. On social system level, editors thought that the social trend was critical in editing news. Some editors considered that constraints of broadcast such as blurring and muting were increasing which made editors more self-limited. This study also found that media self-regulation was in shape. The news about violence, pornography, and suicide were highly restricted or even abandoned. Based on interviewees’ response, the five levels can be listed in order of the extent of influence. The primary factors were on extramedia level which followed individual level, social system level, organizational level, and the communication routine level. This study found that editing strategies include: combination of fixed news model and issue diffusion model, tighter schedule, lower rate of repetition, and “short advertisement”. The last one was only used by TVBS channel in order to keep audience stay tune and to dilute quantity of advertisement in every intervals. TVBS was the only channel resuming “on the hour” news. Since this broadcast model had no significant impact on TV rating, other channels remained broadcasting a few minutes earlier. Last but not least, this study also found that “fake connection” has been commonly used and emergency news would not be broadcast on time. Fewer changes of broadcasting order due to monitoring news of other channels.

2003年傳染病SARS流行期間，媒體在指稱此疾病時，出現許多不同的名稱，本研究認為名稱不只是用來指稱事物、也反映社會文化的想法，更可能遮蔽了真實，帶來了想像，這本論文即是嘗試描繪這個過程的痕跡。 研究者在文本中採用Norman Fairclough的批判論述分析方法，從中發展出語言、媒體論述及社會文化三個分析層次，觀察在SARS發展的過程中，媒體上出現的疾病名稱如何形成及轉變、媒體論述和整體社會氣氛如何因應隨之改變的動態過程；再輔以深度訪談法，瞭解報社編輯在處理SARS新聞時面對的情形和自身想法，而這些因素又如何影響了他/她們對疾病名稱的選擇。 研究分析發現，SARS名稱的變化可略分為三個時期：在官方尚未確定疾病名稱前，名稱強調的多是疾病的不明、外來和可怕，報導內容中有相當部分用來描述一般民眾的恐慌情緒，編輯則著重在新聞報導中找出新奇吸引讀者的觀點來形容此一新興傳染病，略為誇張也在可接受範圍；第二個時期官方名稱出現，媒體漸漸出現統一的名稱，不過在其中個別媒體組織的立場仍然可能影響名稱變化的速度，但代表專業共識和官方力量的名稱則是影響名稱最有力的因素，報導內容也以醫療專業觀點為多數；第三個時期傳染範圍擴大，媒體紛紛改以讖諱風格鮮明的「煞」字來指稱疾病，編輯除了提及諧音運用，也有將自身對疾病感知到的負面形象轉移到文字上的作用，連帶在圖片的選擇上也以除煞驅魔為主。 研究者嘗試指出，疾病名稱不是理所當然，而是新聞室內編輯在諸多考量下所做出的選擇，包括消息來源的不同、市場利潤的追求、組織意識形態的影響、社會文化概念以及個人主觀的感受等，這些都會進而影響到閱聽眾對疾病的認知。研究者試圖以此提醒新聞從業人員對事物的命名保持反思，閱聽眾在接收訊息時則必須時時保有批判性的覺察。

文化創意產業乃近年來政府所大力推動的重點產業，儘管文化究係一種「服務」或「產業」，爭議頗多，然而睽諸世界先進國家，如英國設有事權統一之文化媒體體育部(The Department of Culture, Media and Sport)職司全英文化政策之擬訂，並以發行彩券部份收入，鼓勵新穎多元之創作；再如丹麥政府早就發現企業界和文化界的語言渾然不同，發現國家需要教育課程來訓練學生如何經營文化事業，這包括建立對整個產業的知識，能夠斡旋協調、解決衝突，並擁有處理預算、智慧財產權、合約及版稅的能力，於是當務之急，是希望商學院可以把注意力多放在文化界的發展潛力上，增加相關主題、課程和所謂「第三級教育」的訓練；澳洲則就文化產業核心，從精英藝術與社區藝術之論述，進一步發展到休閒與娛樂；其文化態度，亦跳脫文化公民權之爭論，邁入文化消費期。凡此種種，皆從發展文化創意「產業」之角度，作為施政方針。 　　反觀台灣文化創意產業之經營環境日益艱困，至今未有事權統一之「文化部」，文化創意政府分工上，教育部獨置身事外以及至今未能建立諸如好萊塢的「完工保證」制度以吸引投資者等，因此本研究所欲探討之主題計有四項： 1.文化創意產特質為何？與過去台灣所擅長的製造業的價值鏈、商業模式等，有何不同？ 2.政府政策之制訂與產業界之需求，其緊密度為何？是否尚有政策調整之空間與方向？ 3.文化創意產業之經營者係一「守門人」之角色，此守門人之角色如何整合「線上成本」與「線下成本」中之各個成員角色，在「彈性專業化」的合作關係中，形成一種商業模式？ 4.文化創意人普遍缺乏避險觀念，因此如何「以銷定產」，透過「創業財務」理論，經由「高概念」與「國際分工」募集資金，迴避風險，是為本研究所要深入探討的主題。 / The idea of developing cultural and creative industries has been putting forward by the government in recent years even though the arguments of culture being as a service or an industry remains disputable. However, policymakers in more advanced countries have moved beyond the debate and recognized the importance of the industries at different level: The United Kingdom sets up the Department of Culture, Media and Sport as the solo division in charge of policy formulation. Part of the income from National Lottery is devoted to encourage creation; Being aware of the differences between business professionals and creative talents, Denmark educates students with the know-how of cultural industry management, including the skills of negotiation and conflict solving and the abilities to deal with budget, copyright, contract and royalties. It also urges business schools to enhance entrepreneurial potential by adding more topics, classes and so-called “tertiary education” to their curriculums. Australia, on the other hand, has extended the core value of culture and creative industries from elite and community arts to recreation and entertainment. It has moved from the phrase of debating cultural citizenship into cultural consumption. With reference to the experience of other countries, we can conclude that culture and creativity sectors should be considered as “industries” rather than “services” for policy measures. On contrary, the business environment has become difficult for the cultural and creative sectors in Taiwan. There’s no one single government entity to take account of cul-tural factors and attach greater importance to promoting the development of cultural indus-tries in the course of policy formulation and implementation; Ministry of Education has not partake in studying the vision for development and direction for the industries; Lacking of completion guarantees leaves investors with big doubts and consequently hider the estab-lishment of finance resources. To solve the above-mentioned issues, this research will fo-cus on: 1.The characteristics of cultural/creative industries. How are they different from the value chains and business models of manufacturing that has dominated Taiwan's industrial sector? 2.The gaps between current policies and the real needs of the industries. What can be done to favor the development of the sectors? Any adjustment to make or ap-proach to establish? 3.The role of decision makers in cultural/creative industries as “gatekeepers.” How do they control the above and below the line costs and utilizing the concept of flexible specialization to manage their businesses? 4.The sales and marketing of creative products. Traditionally, creative talents have little knowledge on risk control. How to develop new products or services in the context of existing provision in the market? How to avoid risk and raise money by bringing in the notion of “high concept” and “co-production” in filmmaking?