國語政策的實施造成台灣地區原住民族母語嚴重地流失，產生語言轉移的現象。2001年（九十學年度）教育部首度將鄉土語言列為正式課程，開始實施強制性每週一節的母語教學課程。然此項母語教學辦法的實施，其實施前的評估和之後的檢討均未進行，因此本論文以布農族為例，從語言政策的觀點探討台灣地區原住民的母語教育政策。一方面從語言能力、語言使用、及語言態度等層面來調查布農族人的語言轉移情形；另一方面從其對母語教育政策的態度檢討當前布農語教學的實施現況。 本論文研究方法採問卷調查和深度訪談，同時進行量化和質化的研究。探查之學校於是八個布農族為主的山地鄉，以隨機取樣的方式，各抽取兩所學校，因此共計十六個學校納入調查範圍。問卷部份，主要根據年齡和教育程度兩個社會變項，在各組中採集等量的問卷。深度訪談則針對學校行政人員（校長與教務主任）、母語老師、家長、和學生，進行母語教學相關議題的訪談。問卷調查在探查普遍性的分佈狀況，而訪談目的則在探討問卷結果背後的理由。 調查結果發現，布農族人的母語能力和母語使用均出現隨著年齡層下降、教育程度升高而衰退的情形，顯示母語轉移的痕跡。在刻板印象上，高年齡層受試者對母語的評價較國語高，低年齡層和兩個教育層的受試者對布農語和國語的刻板印象評價則不達顯著，均一致地高。在學習動機方面，受試者不分年齡或教育程度，均一致認為國語之工具性動機高過布農語。而以布農語本身的融合性動機顯著高於工具性動機，顯示布農語對布農族人的功能為象徵性強過實用性。在對母語教育政策的看法上，一般而言都支持度都相當高；但在教學內容的實行上，如教學時間、師資問題等則多有意見，受訪者指出若干問題，並提出相關建議。 本研究結果證實布農族人的母語發生轉移現象，希望日後相關單位在訂定或修正語言政策時，可以對原住民母語轉移現象的挽救提供幫助。 / The implementation of Guoyu Policy in Taiwan has caused the minority groups, (in particular, the Indigenous peoples) a serious language shift, shifting from their mother tongues to Guoyu, the national language. To remedy the problem, "Mother Tongue Education" has been implemented since 1996. Unfortunately, there has never been any official evaluation on this policy. For this reason, this thesis aims at providing a preliminary evaluation of it through an investigation of the Bunun's proficiency in their mother tongue, their use of it, their attitudes toward their mother tongue and the policy. The research methods applied in conducting this study include both quantitative and qualitative analysis. For the former, 279 questionnaires (out of 300) were collected and analyzed, with a focus on sociolinguistic differences based on age and education level. For the latter, 36 informants (including school administrators, mother tongue teachers, students, and their parents) from 15 Bunun primary schools were interviewed. The results of statistic tests indicate that the Bunun's proficiency in their mother tongue and the frequency of using it decline with decrease of their age and increase of their education level. Among the various social groups, only subjects of higher education level show a positive attitude more favorable to Guoyu than to Bunun; while the other groups give equal ranking to both of the two languages. Moreover, the Bunun subjects, as a whole, consider Guoyu being more instrumental than Bunun; however, it is Bunun that receive higher score for integrative motivation, which indicates that Bunun still plays a symbolic function to the Bunun people. As to their attitudes toward the policy of mother tongue education, generally all the subjects show their support to it, although they point out, at the same time, that the policy should be modified on several aspects, such as problems related to the length of teaching hour and the sources of qualified mother tongue teachers. Most of the findings derived from quantitative analysis are confirmed by the subjects of the interviews. The general conclusion of this thesis is that the Bunun are experiencing a language shift from their mother tongue to Guoyu. It is suggested that the government and the institutions concerned should locate effective measures to meet the imperative needs in saving the mother tongues of the minority groups.

丹社群為布農族五大社群之一，約十八世紀初，從巒社群的卡特格蘭社與巒大社分支出來，沿著丹大溪漸往中央山脈移動，最先抵達祖社－丹大社居住，也有其它族人到溪諾滾社、密西可灣社等社居住，往後由於耕地狹小、人口繁衍、尋找新獵區，創建了許多社，丹社群大小舊社在日據初期的調查中，曾經高達二十餘個。此時貿易與部落間事務，都透過「通事」來進行，當時丹大溪流域仍被官方視為黑暗「奧地」。殖民政府為了「理蕃」之便，分別於各個時期成立「撫墾署」、「辦務署」第三課到「蕃務本署」與「警察本署」，「警務局」……等等理蕃機構，處理蕃地事務。兒玉源太郎總督把「警察政治」，引入「理蕃事業」中，後來更透過「丹大蕃務官吏駐在所」、「蕃物交易所」、「蕃童教育所」與「療養所」等理蕃機構的成立，逐步鞏固日本於此地的統治力，掌控丹社群的生活領域。 大正三年(1914)，太魯閣討伐戰結束，是年也沒收「南蕃」槍枝，布農族不滿的情緒爆發在東部與南部的「出草」與「襲擊駐在所」等「蕃害」上。六年(1917)，丹大溪流域爆發了「丹大事件」，事後，卡伊冬社被日方移到密西可灣社下方，為丹社群第一個被移住的舊社。臺灣總督府曾於大正八年(1919)，開始試行「集團移住」計劃，但未大規模推行。從昭和五年(1930)開始的「蕃地開發調查」事業，以「蕃人調查」與「蕃地開發」兩項事業同時進行，於「蕃人調查」中，除調查原住民的社會組織、教育、衛生、經濟、政治事務……等項目外，更詳細調查蕃社概況，載於調查中的丹社群舊社有十一個，花蓮地區有一個（其餘五個舊社則與巒社群族人共居）。事業剛開始，即發生「霧社事件」，讓日本改擬「新理蕃政策」。而為了國土的長治久安，同時也兼顧「理蕃」與「蕃地開發」，能並行不悖，決定推行大規模原住民「集團移住」計劃。最初，為了移住全臺深山「奧番」，首擬《蕃人移住十年計劃書》，此書計劃從昭和十年至昭和十一年(1935∼1936)大規模「集團移住」丹社群，但似乎早在昭和九年末，丹社群就展開了集團移住。 清代，皆為了討伐東部「木瓜番」與交通東西，於此特別修築了「關門古道」（集集、水尾道路），當時清朝更欲藉此道，意圖把臺灣分為兩部。據臺初期，政府曾把丹大社以西路段，整修成「理蕃道路」，更成為丹社群各舊社間的聯絡道路。丹社群以「社」為單位展開遷移，而Sidoh（氏族）與遷徙有密切的關係，遷移時皆以舊社中之氏族長老為其領袖，大致有七∼八大批（其中有幾戶獨自移住花蓮）。當時以丹大西溪與東溪合流口為分界點被分為兩部，往東藉由「關門古道」東段，走4∼5天（快則３天），移住到花蓮縣萬榮鄉馬遠村，東移人口佔絕大多數；西移人數較少，往西搬到南投縣信義鄉新鄉村與地利村。據昭和十六年版《高砂族授產年報》，總共移住丹社群族人146戶，共1,569人。直到昭和十五年（1941年）。為了掌控移住的「蕃人」復歸舊社，丹大溪一帶的駐在所還繼續存在著。移住後的丹社群總人口數不僅沒有增加，反而減少。 隨著計劃性「集團移住」計劃推行，丹大溪的人文景觀迅速改變，而舊社消失在地圖中，丹社群文化也因迅速的平地化，且早已忘記「狩獵文化」，希望藉由此篇論文之撰寫，能喚醒消失已久的布農族丹社群集團移住歷史。 本文透過日據時代「布農族丹社群集團移住」之個案研究，瞭解集團移住的實質內容及其成果，本文共分五章，分述如下： 第一章 緒論 第一節 研究動機與目的 第二節 研究方法 第三節 文獻回顧與研究概況 第四節 丹社群區域的地形與植被 第二章 布農族丹社群的歷史概況與社會組織 第一節 日據前丹社群之遷移 認識布農族概況、清代布農族丹社群的簡史，接著瞭解日據前丹社群之遷徙概況，用以幫助後期的遷移過程。 第二節 丹社群舊社之過去 整理日文文獻中，丹社群舊社之意義、名稱與標高辨異，作一番初步整理與比對。 第三節 丹社群舊社詳細資料與現況踏查 以實地踏查方式，寫下移住前丹社群舊社、房屋（石板屋）、駐在所、蕃童教育所、產品交易所等相關基本資料，並以地圖方式呈現相關位置。 第四節　丹社群傳統社會組織與移住前人口概況 氏族(Sidoh)一直是布農族的重要組織，丹社群也不例外，認識丹社群的傳統社會組織與氏族基本架構，能提供遷徙後新聚落的形成，此外並整理群移住前的人口。 第五節　結語 本章重點是初步瞭解日據時代未實行大規模「集團移住」前，布農族丹社群傳說歷史、人口、氏族、住所的基本資料。 第三章 日據時代原住民移住政策之形成 第一節　日據時期理蕃政策的變遷 簡述日據時代「理蕃政策」，瞭解理蕃政策的演進，對於「集團移住」政策之形成有很大的幫助。 第二節　蕃人移住十年計劃之形成 瞭解「集團移住」布農族的原因，而「蕃人移住十年計劃」計劃自昭和十年至十一年起移住布農族丹社群，本節認識此計畫內容及相關實行要點及細則。 第三節 南投境內布農族集團移住概況 日據時代，南投一區的集團移住最先從卓社群開始。大正六年(1917)，此區發生了「丹大事件」，少數丹社群舊社被移住，此區最後被移住的為巒社群，透過此節認識其它社群的移住概況。 第四節 丹社群境內之蕃害 大正三年(1914)，日本政府沒收「南蕃」槍枝，五年設通電鐵絲網於花蓮港廳與臺東廳的山腳與平地交界處，此後，沿著縱谷山腳的布農族「出草」與「蕃害」次數之多，歷年來罕見。大正六年，中部丹大溪流域的丹社群也爆發了「丹大事件」，事件平息後，導致日本移住卡伊冬，為丹社群最早被「集團移住」。 第五節 結語 從日據時代「理蕃政策」→「集團移住」政策→南投地區布農族集團移住→丹社群集團移住，形成布農族丹社群的「集團移住」。 第四章 布農族丹社群之集團移住 第一節 集團移住前之遷移 整理日官方計劃性「集團移住」前，散見文獻中有關丹社群各個舊社的遷移歷史。 第二節 丹社群之計劃性集團移住 本節探討布農族為何集團移住之原因，並利用《蕃社戶口》、蕃社〈戶籍謄本簿〉、〈蕃人除戶簿〉與其它日文文獻，詳細探討丹社群之移住移住概況，是本論文另一探討重心。 第三節　遷徙道路－關門古道 據筆者訪談中，發現清代所修築的「開山撫番」道路－關門古道，是丹社群利用於移住塔馬羅灣社與馬侯宛社的道路系統，此節詳述完整的道路開鑿史及日據時重修資料，重建丹社群遷移道路歷史。 第四節　集團移住後之新聚落 在大規模「集團移住」政策下，丹社群族人從南投移到了花蓮馬蘭鉤（又稱：麻子漏溪、富源溪）的中、下游的馬侯宛社。本節重點在於訪談族內耆老，遷移路線、移動狀況以及新聚落如何建立……等等相關問題，結合田野訪談與文獻呈現移住後「馬侯宛社」，屬於「生命史」的描述方式。 第五節　結語 結合田野訪談資料、文獻與實訪遷移道路，瞭解日據時代丹社群整個族群的遷移動線、過程與移住後的新處所。 第五章　結論 最後，希望藉由此論文獲得丹社群舊社的最新資料，也替整個丹社群的遷移作個歷史分期，把60年前丹社群的「集團移住」歷史，作最完全的描述與研究。另外一方面，也希望獲知「集團移住」對丹社群族人的影響，當年南投到花蓮，居住地方改變了，原本屬於散居形式的丹社群族人，被集中於一個地方管理，心態上是否有改變呢？而遷徙後的丹社群人，是否本身也失去了某些文化遺產，以此作為此論文的結尾。 / Dan Group(“丹社群”) is one of the fives ethnic groups of Bunun. In the early eighteen century, some groups, branching off from Catogulan(“卡特格蘭社”) tribe and the Big Luan tribe of Luan ethnic group, immigrated along the Dan-da stream area to the ancestral tribe－Dan-da tribe; the other to the Hinogun(“溪諾滾社”), Misikowan(“密西可灣社”), or the others. Lacking of tilth for a rapidly growing population, they used to move to find new hunting grounds and then to invent new inhabitation, which even amounted to more than twenty according to the early investigation in the Japanese governing period. In the meanwhile, the Dan-da stream area was considered as the chaotic places, and the trades as well as the affaires among the tribes were done through translators/negotiators(“ 通事”). In order to rule the indigence, the colonial government, the Japanese government, set up offices for helping tillage, dealing with affaires, keeping the public order, and etc. The Viceroy Chitama(“兒玉源太郎”) introduced the police politics/police system(“警察制度”) into the affaires, and successfully governed this area by the organizations of the police station for dealing with the official affaires(“丹大蕃務官吏駐在所”), or for trading, education, sanatorium, and etc. In the third year of Taishou Period(大正)(1914), the quell over Taroko was over. That the governor punished the Bunun by confiscating their weapons aroused their malcontent and caused their revenges by Chutsau(“出草”)(a custom to hack the heads of the other tribes' persons) and attacking the police offices－remote in the mountains, in the eastern and southern restricts. In the sixth year (1917), the Dan-da event occurred in the DanOda stream area. Afterwards, Caiton(“卡伊冬社”), transferred under Mishikowan by the Japanese Government was the immigrated ancient tribe. Taiwan viceroy government tried to carry out Grouping-immigration Plan in the eight year(1919) of Taishou, but it was just performed in a small scale. The Indigence-investigating-and-developing Program was practiced in the ways of investigating and developing at the same time. The investigating project contains the records of social organization, education, sanitation, economic, public affaires, and overall situation of the eleven tribes－one was in Hualien, and another five cohabited with the Luan tribe. While in the very first beginning, the Oosheh Event(“霧社事件”) happened that let Japanese government to draw up new policy of ruling aborigines (“新理蕃政策”). The policy aimed to rule the indigence and develop the indigenous area sufficiently for the long prosperity, and it was undertaken with the Grouping-immigration Program. At first, the government issued a project of grouping-immigration of aborigines in ten years(《蕃人移住十年計畫書》) to immigrate the valiant and unruly (intractable, obstinate, wild) indigenes in the remote mountains. The government planned to immigrate the Dan Ethnic group collectively in a large scale from the tenth year to the eleventh year of Shouwa(1935∼1936). However, Dan groups seemed to immigrate collectively themselves before, about the end of the ninth year of Shouwa. In the Ching Dynasty, the government put up the Kuan-men trail(“關門古道”) to quell Mukua Fan(“木瓜番”) in the eastern Taiwan and to connect the east and the west, and even to divide Taiwan into two parts ultimately. In the beginning of Japanese occupied period, the Japanese government once renovate the western section of the trail from Dasheh(“大社”) to the trail of ruling the indigence(“理蕃道路”), and it sequentially became the main line of connecting the ancient tribes of Dan ethic group. Dan Group immigrated in the unit of a tribe, in which Sidoh plays the most important parts. They used to follow the honorable elderly in the tribes. According to the investigation, there were seven to eight groups recorded at that time－some moved to Hualien separately. To sum up, the migratory activity could be divided into two parts by the river limit between the Dan-da West Stream and the Dan-da East Stream. The majority, moving east by the eastern section of Kuan-men trial, immigrated to the Mayuan Village in the Wangron County oh Hualien in four or five days; sometimes they could spend less than three days. The minority immigrated west to Dili Village in the Hsingyi county of Nantou. According to the Kausha-Shochan annual (《高砂授產年報》) in the sixteenth year oh Shouwa(昭和十六年), the immigration of Dan groups were one hundred and forty-six families amounted to one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine persons. The police station still existed to control the immigrating indigence back to the ancient tribes effectively from the fifth year of Showa(1941). While, the amount of the population decreased instead of increasing. With the practice of the Grouping Immigration program, the humane resources including history in the Dan-da Stream area has changed rapidly. Therefore, we can notify those in two aspects. First, the ancient tribe disappears not only in the maps but also in the history. Second, Dan Ethnic Group has forgot their tribal culture as well as their valuable hunting tradition for getting accustomed to the secular life. I deeply hope to arouse and to promote the disappearing Grouping-immigration history of Dan Ethnic Group of Bunun.

本論文採以「復元」概念，試圖瞭解原住民在經歷到生涯發展中的阻礙與創傷後，如何進行調適與重新得力的經驗。研究設計採取敘事研究法對四位布農族原住民的生涯故事進行蒐集與分析，並有四點發現：首先，原住民的生涯發展可區分為「家庭生活」與「自我實現」兩條軸線，且均呈現螺旋攀升的形式發展；其次，原住民在生涯故事中的敘說風格採以「開拓家」、「悲劇英雄」、「幸運份子」與「被犧牲者」四種建構位置的交替，並在單一生涯主題上，會隨時間與情境而有位置的改變，或因為不同的生涯主題，而同時擁有複數的位置；第三，原住民生涯故事中的創傷主題具有族群的特殊性，共包括「貧窮」、「父係社會下的角色規範」、「學校與部落價值觀的脫節」、「原漢關係的衝突」、「酗酒問題」、「家庭暴力」，以及「其他生涯議題」等七項；最後，促進原住民從生涯創傷中復元的因子，則可歸納出「個人優勢」、「人際關係」、「環境資源」與「文化與靈性」四類，而類別當中的個別復元促進因子會隨情境而被激發或發揮不同功能，且單一因子即可能觸發不同類別間因子的連鎖反應。作者根據研究結果，對原住民族助人工作提出實務上和政策上的建議。 / This research takes “Recovery” concept to describe and understand experiences of Taiwanese indigenous people who made a recovery from career barriers and traumas. Research design takes narrative research to collect and analyze four indigenous Bunun persons’ career development stories. And main findings are as follows. First, axes of indigenous persons’ career development stories could be generalized to “Family life” and “self-fulfillment” two topics, and both development forms tend to spiral upward. Second, interviewees take four narrative positions to construct self in their stories, including “Pioneer”, “Tragedy hero”, “Lucky guy” and “Scapegoat”, but these positions are often shifted because of the time or situations changes, and one person could have plural positions on different topics at the same time. Third, career traumas in stories include “Poverty”, “Role norms under the patriarchal society ”, “Values disconnection between the schools and the tribes”, “Relationship conflict between the Hans and indigenous peoples”, “Alcoholism”, “Domestic violence” and “Other issues”, the specific effects from ethic group background are appeared on all of these trauma issues. Fourth, the conducive factors to recovery from career traumas are widely distributed over “Personal strengths”, “Interpersonal relationships”, “Environmental resources” and “Culture and Spirituality” areas, each factor could be aroused or created by situations, and every single factor can leads others to make chain reaction. Base on above findings, author gives advice on policy making and practice work for indigenous people’ career development.

This thesis is a compilation of ethnographic narrative and ethnohistorical research in the form of a case study of the Bunun people of the Laipunuk geographic region of Taiwan. The research encompasses the life experiences of three members of the Istanda family, with cross verification of narrative history from extant documentation where possible. Informants were videotaped, audio taped, and where not possible, extensive and detailed notes were taken. Some informants also served as translators for others; one particularly valuable source is conversant in the Bunun language, Japanese, Chinese, and English, providing invaluable material and insight. This report begins with an overview of indigenous peoples, their prehistory, and their relationship with the greater Austronesian culture. This is followed by a brief survey of each indigenous culture’s social organization, with emphasis on the Bunun. Included is a political survey of major transformational and developmental periods in Taiwan’s history, beginning with the Dutch East India Company period, and ending with the modern Democratic Reform period. I have concluded, based on my extensive work with these indigenous peoples and my examination of available historical documentation, that Taiwan’s indigenous people have endured constant pressure from external forces and, as a direct result, have undergone acute social and cultural degradation from the loss of their native homelands. Nevertheless, vast knowledge is still available from elderly informants born into a relatively pristine Bunun culture. This knowledge contributes to the field of Taiwan Studies by providing an objective survey across the history of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples, offering a view through a previously closed window into the richness of Taiwan’s full history. It is recommended that such studies continue and expand. Key words: Bunun, Laipunuk, Austronesian, Taiwan, ethnohistorical, indigenous