本劇改編自真實故事，以一位即將步入社會的大四女孩為主角，通過描述她在大學畢業之際，愛情、生活、工作上所遇到的種種困境，為觀眾展現一個當代接受了高等教育的女性，如何在傳統思想的影響下，一步步妥協於愛情、家庭的名義，逐漸失去自我；又如何在經歷未婚先孕和男友出軌後醒悟，選擇重新找回自己的主動選擇權，並且在最後用墮胎反抗控制，做真正自己的故事。 本論文共分為創作理念、文獻探討、創作論述、創作檢討和劇本五個部分。創作理念首先說明了本故事的創作背景和創作初衷。文獻探討整理了關於女性墮胎、女性自主權的相關文獻，以及對我的創作產生影響的影視作品。創作論述主要闡述了故事的名稱、角色、情節等設計理念。創作檢討收錄了開題口試和讀劇發表時老師和同學的回饋意見，以及我自己一路走來的成長與收穫。 / This is a screenplay based on a true story describing a senior girl who encounters hardships in love, life and job seeking upon her graduation. It portrays how the contemporary woman influenced by the traditional ideology and eventually compromised in the name of love and family. She finally determined to restore herself and decided to have an abortion after betrayed by her lover. The thesis has divided into five parts: creation concept, literature review, script analysis, findings and discussion and finally the screenplay. Creation concept explains the background and purpose of the screenplay while finding discusses the feedback from the audiences.

民國八十八年刑法修正，象徵刑法處罰性犯罪行為，所保護的法益已經由過去的貞操走向性自主權。然而貞操所捍衛的性資源獨佔意識與性自主權內涵中的自主、自決精神相抵觸的情形，依然存在於局部的刑法性犯罪刑事立法規範體系中。例如以刑法處罰通姦、性交易、媒介性交易、公然猥褻、散步猥褻物品等行為，是否與保障個人性自主權的精神有所違背，不無疑問！本論文的研究即以此為出發點，以性自主權的保障為核心，全面檢討民國八十八年刑法修正後的性犯罪刑事立法規範。

近年來幾則判決引起爭議，係因強制猥褻罪與性觸摸罪之界限模糊。強制猥褻罪之「其他違反其意願之方法」在學說及實務上皆都不同看法，因而與性觸摸罪之「乘人不及抗拒」產生爭議，再者，強制猥褻罪之「猥褻」行為，在刑法上並未對其作出明確的規定，以致在法院判決時法官的認定也會有所不同，因此，本文將從「結果非價」及「行為非價」來觀察被害人性的受害態樣及加害人侵害手段，並試圖劃分強制猥褻罪與性觸摸罪的界限，以期減少實用上適用錯誤或發生爭議問題。 本文在結構上，為能劃分強制猥褻罪及性觸摸罪之界限，第二章從強制猥褻罪之修法歷程及性騷擾防治法之立法歷程觀察，並指出因強制猥褻罪之修法及最高法院決議，造成與性騷擾防治法第25條性觸摸罪在適用上發生爭議，並以著名的爭議案件，如「強吻案」、「襲胸案」、「觸摸下體案」及「舌吻案」，從各審判決、社會對判決結果的反應及學者的看法，觀察強制猥褻罪與性觸摸罪在社會一般大眾、學者間、實務界的界限。第三章即以從法益侵害的實施流程中之「行為非價」及「結果非價」來區分強制猥褻罪與性觸摸罪之界線。從「結果非價」觀察被害人性的受害態樣及被害人受侵害標準的評定，從「行為非價」觀察強制猥褻罪與性觸摸罪之加害人侵害手段差異。從上述方法所劃分出的標準，並依該標準檢視上述爭議案例並做評析。最後則為結論。

社會秩序維護法第80條之規定，是我國目前性交易管制政策之法源依據，該條文係採原則禁止、例外許可之管制原則。然就憲法保障人權之基本精神而言，性交易開放與否關係著憲法保障人民之工作權、生存權、性自主權及隱私權等。本文將從憲法保障人權的角度出發，以各號有關於工作權、性自主權、隱私權等大法官解釋，檢視當下我國社會秩序維護法對於性交易之管制是否符合時宜，是否有侵犯人權及違反比例原則之虞。 在論文章節安排部份，第貳章除了蒐集相關文獻外，另以大法官釋字第666號解釋為主軸，結合各學者的看法及其他大法官協同意見，進一步對解釋文做說明。之後再針對釋憲及修法前後警察機關對於性交易案件之取締方式及外國性交易管制政策做比較，分析評估性交易合法化是否有違社會善良風俗，社會善良風俗的定義是否一成不變；第叁章部分則依研究目的、研究問題及研究倫理擬定訪談大綱，並律定訪談過程及對象；第肆章部份則以親自訪談方式，針對性工作者及基層實務警察人員進行訪談，請受訪者對於當下性交易管制政策，分別就工作特性、執法取締、人權保障及其他建議等四部分提出看法；第伍章結論部分，除了提出本研究之發現外，並評估開放性交易之可行性及對我國當下性交易管制政策提出修法的建議。 從事性交易之性工作者，大多數為面臨龐大經濟壓力的弱勢婦女，法令的禁止只會迫使她們淪為制度性剝削的受害者。我國政府針對性交易行為，應擬定適宜的管制政策，以有效的管理政策替代執法取締，如此一來，才能體現我國憲法保障人權之基本精神。 / Our regulations on sexual trade is based on Social Order Maintenance Act (abbreviated to SOMA), which adopts the principle of what in main provisions are prohibited yet the exceptional causes are permitted. Regarding the Constitution of R.O.C on citizen rights , such as work, sexual autonomy, and privacy, however, such ideas above are all referred to whether the permission of sexual trade is OK or NOT. We will look into some regulations of sexual trade, via bits of Grand justice interpretations, to determine if SOMA would be appropriate now days and if it would defy the principle of proportionality and human rights, from the aspect of the Constitution that ought to secure Human rights. Besides collecting related materials, we will further explain the No.666 Grand justice interpretation by combining some scholars’ researches and opinions and some Concurring opinions, and that would be demonstrated on Chapter 2. Secondly, we’ll analyze whether the legalization of sexual trade would be against the social convention, or whether the definition of public order and good morals is permanent. On chapter 3, we’ll establish the main structure and distinguish those who necessarily receive our interview in line up with the cause, problems and ethics of researching. On Chapter 4, we’ll interview the police officers and sexual traders in person to absorb their opinions on by-then regulations, clampdown, human rights of sexual trade and their recommendations. In the final part of the essay, in addition to proposing our discoveries, we will put forward our suggestions on the revision of by-then sexual trade regulations and evaluate the possibilities of validation of sexual trade. Those who feed on sexual trade mostly are afflicted from enormous economic pressure and the ban on sexual trade of regulations make them institutionally deprived. In order to exert the spirit of the Constitution that ought to secure human rights, we advise the government need to enact appropriate laws and rules focusing on sexual trade behavior to effectively replace the clampdown.