本論文主要目的是在瞭解目前記者之實際情形, 並探討增進記者福利與保障記者工作 獨立性之途徑, 全文共計一冊, 約六萬字, 分五章研討。 第一章為緒論, 略述近代新聞倫理及法律之演變, 再檢討其中之利弊得失, 另包括研 究目的與研究動機。 第二章為理論及文獻探討, 涵知新聞自由理論、社會責任論、與行政司法化理論。 第三章為研究方法, 對新聞從業人員和新聞行政人員進行實證調查, 再加心電腦資料 處理及統計分析。 第四章為結果分析, 對實際調查結果解釋其意義, 並與理論作多方面的比較。 第五章為結論與建論, 從結果分析中得到主要研究發現, 而予以進一步的檢討與建議 。

隨著美國次級房貸衝擊世界經濟的影響不斷擴大，各國政府對於全球景氣的提振，莫不推出各種拯救方案。同時，為使相關拯救政策的效果得以發揮，各國央行莫不競相調降基準利率，以減輕投資者與消費者的資金成本壓力，企求藉此增加企業的投資意願與民眾的消費慾望，進而促使經濟景氣得以反轉為多。然而，欲使一國貨幣政策發揮其效果，除了社會大眾對於通貨膨脹預期的心理是否可以獲得消弭外，更重要的是央行貨幣政策傳遞管道是否暢通，是否對於整體經濟情勢仍具有相當的控制能力。而這些條件是否可以達成，而使央行貨幣政策確實可以發揮功效，其最主要的關鍵點除了與其所採行的貨幣運作機制有密切關係外，央行的獨立性、權責性與透明性的良窳更是具有決定性的因素。 然而，就臺灣而言，我國中央銀行法自一九七九年重新訂定後，僅於民國一九九七年大幅修訂，且於二ＯＯ二年時小幅修訂部分條文。但面對目前金融情勢變化快速與國內政治局勢的動盪，條文中對於有關央行獨立性地位的確認與央行權責性暨透明性的提昇等等現代化中央銀行所需具備的前提要件，卻似乎規範不甚明確。加以面對因金融自由化所造成市場中貨幣定義的模糊，以及貨幣目標制下政策效率不彰的困境，對於目前仍採行貨幣目標制做為政策執行架構的我國央行而言，其是否擁有其他可行的因應方式與選擇？是否需要追隨世界金融先進國家的腳步，更改目前的貨幣運作機制？是否通貨膨脹目標制對我國央行而言，具有執行上的絕對優勢？我國央行是否已經具備執行此項貨幣機制的相關必要條件？這些議題在國內相關文獻的探討中尚屬進一步探索的領域。故本文希冀透過對於我國央行獨立性、權責性、透明性以及其他主客觀經濟情勢的重新檢視，提出面臨的問題點以及可行的解決方案，以增進我國貨幣政策執行的有效性。 / With the more impacts on the economics in the world from the shocks of subprime-mortgage in America, many policies were proposed from every government to make the economic return the normal situation. For strengthening the effects of these policies, many central banks announced to cut the key interest rates. Because they wish could lighten the enterprises’ and consumers ‘costs of the capital by these policies, and then make them increasing the desires of the investments and consumptions to let the whole economic situations back to good ones. However, whether the monetary policies really have the effects or not, it depends on many elements, including if the central bank eliminates the expectations of inflation of the public or not, the monetary transmission channels could work successfully or not, the central bank could control the key economic variables or not and others seriously. Nevertheless, the monetary policy mechanism of this country, the level of independence, accountability and transparency of the central bank are the key factors that could influence these conditions work valid or not. In Taiwan, The Central Bank of China Act was amended in 1979. In 1997, this law was modify widely and revised few articles in 2002. However, these articles were not being considered how to make affirm the independence position of the central bank, and how to improve the accountability and transparency of the central bank to make the CBC meet the conditions of the modern central bank. Beside this, in the difficult status of the blurred definition of the money and of weakly effectiveness of the monetary policy in the monetary targeting framework, whether the CBC which still adopts the monetary targeting to be the main monetary policy mechanism has any choices to break these problems or not ? Whether the CBC needs to follow the advanced countries to alter the monetary policy mechanism to the inflation targeting framework? Whether the CBC could get more benefits to adopt the inflation targeting? And whether the CBC could meet all the preconditions of the inflation targeting? These issues are so important but not to be discussed in domestic academic literatures. Therefore we want to review the level of the independence, accountability and transparency of the CBC and other economic conditions to see the problems of the monetary policy mechanism in Taiwan. And then, we will provide the feasible suggestions to these problems to improve our monetary policy effectiveness.

本文研究行政院下全國性公民投票審議委員會（下簡稱「審議委員會」）之運作；審議委員會依據公民投票法（下簡稱「公投法」）創設至本文2012年4月完稿截止，共經歷兩屆任期，已召開16次正式會議，並對12次人民提出之全國性公民投票案做成認定是否合於法律規定之決議；審議委員會係我國公投立法者特殊之創見，也是公投法立法過程中政黨協商之產物，因此，自第一屆審議委員會組成以來，其運作便無法擺脫政治爭議問題，即便第二屆審議委員會已依據大法官釋字645號解釋確立其合乎我國憲法之行政地位，有關審議委員會存廢之爭論仍沒有間斷過。 為探求審議委員會存廢爭議之答案，本文從靜態的制度面向及動態的實務面向加以研究，審議委員會運作之「價值」；本文以我國憲政權力分立制度為論述之基準，先從我國有關公民投票及行政程序之法律、制度變遷角度，探討審議委員會、乃至於包括審議委員會、中央選舉委員會及行政院訴願審議委員會在內之「行政上全國性公民投票審議機制」，其創設之合憲性，但主要上，本文還欲藉由審議委員會開會之實務案例研究，即歸納審議委員會16次正式會議過程之爭點，深入審議委員會的運作核心－如何審議人民提出之全國性公民投票提案。 本文認為，審議委員會不應貿然以公投法修法廢除之，只要審議委員會在審議過程中展現其「獨立性」，則現階段我國公民票制度之落實，仍有審議委員會發揮「協助人民有意義的行使創制、複決權」及「過濾人民提出之全國性公民投票提案」功能的必要，且可供公投法修正方向之鑑借；本文僅屬「初探」之研究，隨著審議委員會及有關其運作之司法實務經驗增加，相信審議委員會存廢之爭論亦會趨明朗。 關鍵詞：行政院公民投票審議委員會、大法官釋字645號解釋、中央選舉委員會、行政院訴願審議委員會、行政獨立性 / This paper is about a research of the operation of Referendum Review Commission of Executive Yuan (hereinafter referred to as “the Referendum Commission"). Until April 2012 the Referendum Commission has held 16 formal meetings and has reviewed 12 proposals for national referendum to determine whether those proposals meet the relevant provisions in the Referendum Act. Due to the fact that the establishment of the Referendum Commission is the result of negotiations between political parties, the operation of the Referendum Commission constantly causes controversy and the argument that the Referendum Commission should be abolished never ends even though the Judical Yuan Interpretation No. 645 has confirmed that the establishment of the Referendum Commission does not contradict the Constitutional of the Rupublic of China This paper discusses the basis of separation of powers in our constitutional system, starting with reviwing relevant laws and systems in respect of referedum and administrative procedures. Furthermore, the constitutionality of the establishment of relevant referendum review mechanism is examined, including the Referendum Commission, Central Election Commission and the Petitions and Appeals Committee of the Executive Yuan. This article also summarizes the issues raised in the 16th formal meeting of the Referendum Commission. This paper is of the opinion that the Referendum Commission should not be rashly abolished by amending the Referendum Act as long as the Referendum Commission is able to maintain its independancy in the process of exmination and that the existance of the Referendum Commission is necessary as it could assist people to exercise their tights of initiative and referendum and could ensure the smooth operation of the Referendum Act.