駐韓美軍之去留問題及其對朝鮮半島安全之影響向為東北亞各國所關注，本文試從中國外交之觀點，討論中國對駐韓美軍議題之論述，以及相關國家對此一問題及區域情勢之立場。 在探討朝鮮半島安全環境之變遷方面，本文試從安全角度將朝鮮半島區域情勢之發展概分為穩定及不穩定兩大類，穩定情勢包括冷戰時期的南北韓信心建立措施、美國在東北亞之圍堵政策以及冷戰後東北亞多極結構相互制衡、南北韓邁向和解、南韓「陽光政策」以及美國維持與日本及南韓聯盟等。不穩定情勢方面，冷戰時期朝鮮半島為美蘇冷戰對抗之交界處，南北韓各自集結重兵於北緯38度線交界處，區域情勢緊張；至冷戰後朝鮮半島仍維持南北韓對峙格局，南北韓小規模衝突不斷，90年代起北韓發展核武導致兩次北韓核武危機，為區域安全及穩定增添變數。 為瞭解駐韓美軍之歷史背景，本文亦討論五十多年來美國在朝鮮半島駐軍政策之演變。1950年韓戰爆發，美國以聯合國旗幟出兵朝鮮半島，1953年美韓共同防禦條約賦予駐韓美軍之法律地位，美軍從此駐紮朝鮮半島至今，扮演嚇阻北韓南侵及維護朝鮮半島權力平衡之角色。半個多世紀以來，美國已陸續從朝鮮半島撤出地面部隊，並將軍事指揮權逐步移交南韓。綜觀影響駐韓美軍去留之因素，以朝鮮半島情勢變遷為最主要因素，另在2001年9月11日美國遭受恐怖攻擊之後，美國為調整戰力參與全球反恐戰爭，亦與南韓達成調整駐韓美軍之計畫，同意分批撤出約一萬四千多名地面部隊。此外，中國、日本、俄羅期、南韓等國之立場，亦對駐韓美軍之去留產生影響。 中國對駐韓美軍之立場與態度，為本文擬探討之重點。自1950年代以來，從歷屆中國領導人發表之言論來看，中國主張任何國家軍隊必須自朝鮮半島撤退，以維持區域和平。中國對駐韓美軍的評價隨時代有所調整，從過去強調駐韓美軍之朝鮮半島和平統一的障礙，至現階段肯定駐韓美軍對東北亞和平與穩定之貢獻，論述的方式略有調整，不過在支持駐韓美軍撤離的立場則尚未改變。冷戰後中國在朝鮮半島的影響力逐漸提升，首先在1992年與南韓建立外交關係，雙方維持長期、穩定、睦鄰友好之關係，1994年以來參與處理北韓核武危機，1997年起參與四方會談建立朝鮮半島和平機制，並推促2000年兩韓成功舉行首次領導人高峰會。足見冷戰後中國積極參與朝鮮半島事務，並尋求與美國在朝鮮半島建立安全合作關係，以促進區域安全，維護中國利益。 / The issue of American Troops in Korea and its influence on the security of Korea Peninsula have been paid close attention to by various countries of Northeast Asia. This text tries to find out China's point of view, discussing the argumentation to the topic of American Troops in Korea and the positions of relevant countries. In the process of probing into the changes of security environment of Korea Peninsula, this text divides the development of the regional situation of Korea Peninsula generally into stable and unstable classes from the security angle. The stable situation in the Cold War era includes the North and South Korea confidence building measures, American containment and engagement policy, as well as the check and balance in the multi-polar structure of Northeast Asia in the post Cold War era, north and south Korea marches toward and conciliation, “the sunshine policy” of South Korea and US alliance with Japan and South Korean etc.. In the meanwhile, the unstable situation in the Cold War era includes the confrontation of America and Soviet Union in Korea Peninsula, North and South Korea concentrating the massive forces in line of 38 degrees of the north latitude, etc.. The regional situation was tense. The pattern of North and South Korea confrontation keeps going in the post Cold War era. Korea's small-scale conflict of north and south is constant. The development of nuclear weapons of North Korea has caused two nuclear crises since the 1990s, adding parameters to security and stability of the area. In order to find out about the historical background of American Troops in Korea, this text also discusses that the U.S. has changed the policy of its troops in Korea Peninsula over the past 50 years. Since the broke out of Korean War in 1950, U.S.A. dispatched troops to Korea Peninsula with the flag of the United Nations. American South Korea mutual defense treaty signed in 1953 provided with legal status of American troops stationed in Korea. American Troops so far stationed Korea Peninsula from then on have been acting as deterrence to the potential invasion from North Korea, thus keeping the balance of power of Korea Peninsula. Over half a century and more, the US has already withdrawn the ground troops from Korea Peninsula successively and transferred command right to South Korea progressively. Take a broad view of the factors influencing American Troops stationed in Korea to go or stay, situation changes of Korea Peninsula are regarded as main factors. In addition, after attacked by terrorist on 11 September 2001, the U.S. has adjusted fighting capacity to participate in the global anti-terrorism war. In 2004, the US and South Korea reached the plan of adjusting American Troops in South Korea. In addition, China, Japan, South Korea S. and Russia also exerted influence on the issue of US troops in Korea. The focal point planned to probe into for this text is China’s position and attitude toward US force in Korea. Looking from the speech that all previous Chinese leaders published from 1950s, China had insisted that any foreign military must withdraw from Korea Peninsula to maintain the regional peace. The opinion of China on American Army stationed in Korea is adjusted with era to some extent, from emphasizing the obstacle of the peaceful reunification of Korea Peninsula in the past, to recently affirming the contribution to the Northeast Asian peace and stability. By the present stage, the way to expound the fact is slightly adjusted, but the position of supporting the US force’s withdraw has not been changed yet. The influence of China over Korea Peninsula improves gradually in the Post-Cold War era. After establishing diplomatic relations with South Korea in 1992, both sides kept the long-term, steady and good-neighborly relations. China’s participation in dealing with North Korea nuclear crisis since 1994, participation in Four Party Talks since 1997 to set up the peaceful mechanism in Korea Peninsula, and urging two Koreas to succeed in holding the initial leader's summit in 2000 all increased and showed China’s influence over Korean Peninsula. Meanwhile China also seeks cooperation with the U.S. in Korea Peninsula, in order to promote the area security and safeguard China's benefit.

隨著人類社會走向多極化和全球化，國際格局嚴重失衡，霸權主義繼續推行擴張政策，世界政治經濟秩序持續不公正，南北差距拉大，文明衝突加劇，社會發展與自然環境失諧，導致恐怖主義猖獗、生態環境惡化、自然災害頻發、武器擴散加劇和跨國犯罪增多等，非傳統安全威脅油然而生，而軍隊作為維護國家安全的戰略資源，不僅要以戰爭及其準備的方式維護傳統安全利益，也要以非戰爭軍事行動的方式加以應對。對此，各國紛紛提出非戰爭軍事行動的方案和規劃，處理國內各類突發事件和危機，另根據各國的情況加強非戰爭軍事行動的實踐，且廣泛運用非戰爭軍事行動開展國際合作。 美國是率先將戰爭軍事行動寫入軍隊作戰任務的國家，其認為冷戰結束世界發生大規模戰爭的機率只剩50％，而小規模的常規戰爭和「非戰爭」形態行動的可能性為100％，因此人道救援、救災搶險、撤僑、反恐、緝私、鎮壓暴亂等「非戰爭軍事行動」，成為軍隊新職能、軍事競爭新領域和大國角逐新平臺，諸如2004年的雅典奧運會和2006年的世界盃足球賽，希臘和德國均動用近萬名的軍人參與安保，北約還派出軍艦和預警機協助。近年在國內外多次舉行的非傳統安全理論研討會上亦產生非戰爭軍事行動地位作用明顯上升之共識，其理論發展及其實踐創新，深刻反映了當代軍事力量建設運用的重要趨勢。 非戰爭軍事行動任務因各國國情與地域而有所差異。如非洲較關切難民與種族屠殺等問題；東、南亞地區則著重恐怖主義、海盜、天災與傳染病等問題；北美則偏重恐怖主義與非法軍火、毒品走私等問題；日本則重視天然災害中震災與水災等問題；惟就中共而言，其腹地廣、人口眾、國際地位亦日益提升，鑑此，衍生出多種安全威脅，故其非戰爭軍事行動任務則涵蓋搶險救災、國際維和、反恐維穩、奧運安保、國慶閱兵、緊急撤僑、聯外軍演及人道救援等，如何強化並有效執行業已成為中共當局值需關注之議題。

1975年4月30日，西貢淪陷，北越併吞南越，美軍倉促撤離中南半島。越南戰爭看似正式劃下休止符，但戰爭遺留下的「失蹤美軍」、「地雷與未爆彈」、及「落葉劑」等問題仍懸而未決。越戰結束至今近40年，隨著戰後美越關係高低起伏發展，戰爭遺留問題亦如「荊棘」般鑲嵌其中，成為戰後兩國進行「化敵為友」時之當務之急。當前華盛頓與河內正攜手發展更全面、緊密的夥伴關係，雙方在外交、經貿、安全、及民間交流等各層面日益深化，戰爭遺留問題之處理成效亦成為吾人觀察美越關係時的一項重要指標。

隨著世界各國在民主化後對重新審視、扭轉過去壓迫性政權作為的嘗試，近年來以臺灣史料為題材的研究中，以轉型正義為主題的論文也有逐漸增加的趨勢。不過多數研究習慣將視野集中於國民黨來臺後的族群歧視、整個國家退守臺灣後基於反共／防共的白色恐怖對人權的侵害、或是臺灣政治民主化後的補償與歷史正義，相對少有探討臺灣戰後初期對日本統治的反省內容，同時也缺乏比較性地跨越不同政權統治時期，嘗試從外來政權如何統治社會與汲取資源方式的角度，研究國家建構如何影響轉型正義主張與行動的作品。 　　相較先行研究，本論文以從日本殖民時期以至戰後初期的臺灣與朝鮮為研究對象，指出日本對新領土的國家建構工程使兩地在戰後初期都出現了轉型正義的行動與主張，而兩地在遭受殖民前與殖民期間發展出的共同體意識、社會成員處境、和殖民者建構國家的手段與過程均影響了兩地轉型正義的內容與強度；而兩地在戰後分別受到外來政權統治，再次出現國家意圖控制社會的國家建構行為，使兩地原有的轉型正義主張遭到壓抑－在臺灣，新統治者與臺灣社會認定的犯過錯者結合，以自己的轉型正義標準壓制臺灣人的權利和對政權的批判，臺灣人因此重新審視共同體界線；朝鮮／韓國對民族獨立與犯過錯者的究責要求則一直未滅，然而新統治者與其後繼者為了穩定政權，出現了無視社會要求，以新標準區別敵人並阻礙轉型正義的情形，最後，戰後初期統治兩地的新政權皆為其國家建構目的犧牲了社會的轉型正義要求，同時製造了新的不正義。 / With countries of the world tried to review and redress doings oppressive regimes did in the past after democratization, the number of theses topic on transitional justice by studying Taiwan historical resources increases recently. However, most of the researches focus on ethnic discriminations after Kuomintang seized Taiwan, human right violation and persecution in white terror era, and redress or historical justice after political democratization. There come relatively fewer discussions on reflections on Japanese rule in early post war Taiwan, and lack of comparative, cross-regime works try to explain how state-building influenced transitional justice ideas and actions, by applying viewpoint that different alien regimes carry out ruling and extraction resources from society. 　Compared with former researches, I adopt the era Taiwan and Korea under Japanese colonization to early post war period as research subjects. I first point out Japanese state-building crafts brought out transitional justice ideas and actions in early post war Taiwan and Korea, different development degrees of community imagines, situation of society members, means and process colonizers took to build state before and in the colonial period made postwar transitional justice different in the two places. Next I point out new alien regimes befell post war Taiwan and Korea, new state-building process came out once again, and transitional justice was repressed. In Taiwan, new rulers built a patron-client relationship with local wrongdoers, they put Hanjian accusation standard on Taiwanese, suppress their political right and critique, and therefore Taiwanese started to review the boundary of community. In Korea, desires to nation independence and punish wrongdoers never faded, however, post war rulers ignored society requests and used new standard to mark new enemy within, blocked transitional justice for stable regime. At last, regimes ruled Taiwan and Korea in early post war days sacrificed society requests for transitional justice, instead by pursuit of state-building goals, and brought out new injustice.