一九八零年代新公共管理的興起，掀起了公部門改革的巨大漣漪，為了解決不斷成長的政府支出，各國政府多透過降低預算、調整政府組織與公務人力彈性化方式作為回應之道。以我國為例，早期雖以永業公務人員為主要人力，但為了避免用人經費的無限成長，並且回應接踵而至的人民期待與需求，所以開始運用其他各種臨時性人力，從最初的約聘僱人員，直到現在的臨時人員、承攬與勞動派遣等，這些非典型勞工的運用，所造成的影響與衝擊，除了對人力運用與人事管理產生變化，甚至，對於所進用的非典型勞工本身，由於各種人員權益間的差異，以及部分人員缺乏法制保障的問題，使得行政機關運用非典型勞工時多遭詬病。本研究從行政機關運用非典型勞工的原因，探究行政機關運用非典型勞工，對行政機關與勞工所造成的問題與影響，最後再以政府人力運用、管理角度為主軸，以期能與非典型勞工權益維護取得平衡，並希望提出建言及未來因應方向。

由於產業結構的改變，科技的發達，加上勞動法令的增加以及勞動者對於福利的要求提高，企業為求競爭力的提昇，無不設法增加企業的組織彈性。企業為了降低勞動成本、提高人力使用的彈性與效率，各種非典型僱用型態紛紛出現，其中派遣勞動即是一種不同於傳統上僱用與使用分離的僱用態。儘管國際勞動組織與國際間允許勞動派遣業的存在，並且也認同勞動派遣不僅僅是有助於勞動力市場的活絡，亦給予原本不易整合於勞動市場的青少年勞工、少數民族、女性勞工及中高齡勞工能夠迅速獲得僱用的機會。但派遣勞動關係下，基於規範勞雇兩造間之勞動契約的勞動法制因而產生一些適用上的困難。 為瞭解勞動派遣的出現對於目前幾個重要的勞動議題上如：勞動條件、勞工安全衛生、老年生活保障等議題所造成的衝擊；以及在集體勞資關係上勞動者團結權、協商權與爭議權之行使因派遣勞動關係之特殊性而受之影響為何；以及勞動派遣與就業安全制度之關聯。本文由文獻分析法與個案訪談法，探討勞動派遣業對勞資關係各主體與其相互間互動的影響，並嘗試對未來我國政府制定相關法制方向提出建議。 本文共分為五章：第一章說明筆者研究之動機、目的與研究方法，以及勞動派遣之現況；第二章則探討勞動派遣為主軸之相關概念；第三章則針對德國、日本及美國的勞動派遣制度與以介紹與分析；第四章則之討論勞動派遣業在我國發展以及對於勞資關係、勞動市場所產生的重要影響；第五章則就本文之研究加以總結並對未來我國制定勞動派遣法提出筆者個人的建議。 根據筆者研究的結果發現：一、在派遣勞工的勞動條件上，可能會發生以下結果：1.勞動條件不穩定、2.中間剝削問題、3.工資保護制度不易落實。 二、受派勞工之工作權益可能受到派遣公司與要派公司間派遣契約的影響，因此對於受派勞工在工作權保障方面可能產生的影響如下：1.解雇的發動受到使用人意識左右、2.以自願辭職代替資遣、3暫時性業務縮減為派遣業之常態、4.對於違反解雇保護規定之責任不明、5.特定對象之解雇保護不易達成、6.調動容易。 三、由於派遣勞動關係涉及兩地三方間權利與義務。目前我國尚未訂有勞動派遣法，而難以藉由課雇主公法責任或處罰雇主達到保護勞動者之目的。 四、在社會保障方面，且由於派遣勞工轉換雇主的頻率較高，其很可能必須透過職業工會或區公所加保，以免投保年資難以累積並確保自己的權益。 其影響最者，應為受派勞工老年生活保障的問題，在目前台灣對於勞工老年生活保障制度的設計上，受派勞工因為僱用關係不穩定且社會保險的投保率偏低，而難以納入社會保障網絡之中。 另外在勞動者集體力量之形成與展現上可能有下列問題的存在：1.缺乏團結基礎、欠缺勞動意識、2.協商不易、亦遭使用人拒絕協商而與雇用人協商實益較小、3.單獨以派遣員工為成員之工會難以利用爭議行為給予資方壓力。因此派遣勞工難以透過與雇主或要派事業單位集體協商，達到提昇受派勞工經濟地位與勞動條件及福祉之目的。 目前，我國為順應勞動市場發展的實況有意訂定勞動派遣法，筆者以為應將派遣勞工與正規勞工之就業權益一併作考量，未來研修勞動派遣法制之時，宜將就業服務法一併檢討，以確保勞動市場法制的一致性。一方面國家應給予企業經營管理之彈性，另一方面亦應避免受派勞工陷於就業不安定及缺乏社會保障之困境。 / Among all atypical employment relations, temporary work best remarks the management strategy output in the context of technologies, economic and business environment change. To employers and corporations, the introduction of temporary workforce could promote total flexibility of human resources then gaining the effect that reducing labor cost as well as increasing firm competition ability at the same time. To over-all labor market, a mold of using departs from employing“ could stimulate operative alacrity and giving new hiring opportunities to marginal groups, such as unskilled young workers, women, members of national minority and elders. However, facing a temporary labor-using relation, traditional contractual and collective regime between workers, employers and their representative agencies are now encountering a variety of applicable problems. For the purpose of offering Taiwan's labor relations authority with concrete and conceivable suggestions through better understanding of the social impacts brought about by the expending trend of temporary work. This research, using the methods of literature review and in-depth interview with local cases, focus on several crucial issues, including legal protection of labor conditions, occupational health and safety, rights of retired workers, as well as three basic collective labor rights. Findings indicate that, first, in the category of individual labor relations, unstable term and conditions of the temporary working contracts, middleman-exploits and wage-protecting law fail to be practical have caused serious problems to temporary workers’employment rights. Furthermore, using undertakings tend to view temporary working plans as an easy way to freely discharge and outsourcing normalcy, threatening the employee status and welfare of local temporary workers. In a present situation without relative legislation, government can neither force the temporary workforce agents and users taking their responsibilities as employers. As a result of it, temporary work- a special labor contractual relation which involves two business units and three actors, turning a escaping tunnel for employers to avoid labor cost from legal obligations of redundant payment system and management limits from employee job-transfer protective rules. Second, in the category of social security, since local temporary workers transfer among different hiring undertakings very frequently, they must choose craft unions or district offices as labor insurance enrolling units otherwise, there would be no guarantee for their social insurance yearly accumulation and rights. Unfortunately, their dim elder life prospects could probably be reflected on structural designing failures of Taiwan social security network. Unstable employment status, low social insurance competing rate drawing the miserable picture in which, retreat-from-labor-market temporary worker facing personal survival struggle all alone. Finally, at the level of collective labor relations, some key issues could turn into question in the near future. Lack of solidify and class consciousness erodes the possibility for local temporary workers unionizing or, their potential counterparts could refuse the negotiation requirements easily under existing collective bargaining system. Moreover, unionism bases on its membership of solely temporary workers can hardly generating negotiation pressure toward management. Therefore, under the rigid industrial relations system as Taiwan‘s, temporary workers covered by fair collective agreements, enjoy decent labor conditions are seedy beyond one can expect. For the aim of catering labor market development trends, positive legislative preparations relevant to temporary work has became one of the prior policies of CLA. As the conclusion suggested, to give the holistic consideration of a new legal accordance, which can balance temporary and ordinary employees’ working rights, would be the main reformative point.

本研究先針對部分工時工作在各國與我國之發展及其重要性作一分析，並討論部分工時工作制度對於勞動市場對帶來哪些好處與問題。在分析會影響部份工時工作制度發展的外在因素，例如性別、婚姻狀況、法律規範、社會風俗、廠商規模與產業別等會影響部份工時工作制度發展之因素。 在實證部分，本研究是對北部地區的全職工作勞工做一個抽樣性的問卷調查，將影響因子分為個人特性變數、社會風俗變數與工作福利變數三種，進行Binary Logistic迴歸模型分析，主要結果如下：在全部勞工中，當其想要獲得更有彈性的工作方式的意願提高時，則其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會提高，當其覺得從事部分工時工作會受到旁人的輕視時，其願意從事部分工時作的機率會降低，若從事部分工時工作可獲得比全職工作還要高的薪資時，則其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會提高，當其覺得部分工時勞工難以在工作上有所成就時，則其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會降低。 從性別的角度來觀察，在女性勞工中，當其想要獲得更有彈性的工作方式的意願提高時，則其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會提高，當其覺得從事部分工時工作會受到旁人的輕視時，其願意從事部分工時作的機率會降低，當其覺得部分工時勞工難以在工作上有所成就時，則其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會降低。在男性勞工中，當其年齡越高時，其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會提高，當其覺得從事部分工時工作會受到旁人的輕視時，其願意從事部分工時作的機率會降低，當其覺得部分工時勞工難以在工作上有所成就時，則其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會降低，當其認為部分工時工作只適合老年人與學生從事時，其從事部分工時工作的機率會降低。 就婚姻狀況而言，在未婚勞工中，當其年齡越高時，其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會提高，當其想要獲得更有彈性的工作方式的意願提高時，則其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會提高，當其覺得部分工時勞工難以在工作上有所成就時，則其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會降低，當其認為部分工時工作只適合老年人與學生時，其從事部分工時工作的機率會降低。在已婚勞工中，當其教育程度越高時，其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會提高，當其覺得從事部分工時工作會受到旁人的輕視時，其願意從事部分工時作的機率會降低，若從事部分工時工作可獲得比全職工作還要高的薪資時，則其願意從事部分工時工作的機率會提高，當其認為部分工時工作只適合女性從事時，其從事部分工時工作的機率會降低。

自1984年John Atkinson提出彈性公司模型，世界勞動市場趨勢果然如同他的理論發展－企業內的核心工作機會減少、非典型勞工逐年增加，而非典型勞工與一般勞工的勞動條件差異會逐漸擴大。單方面開放勞動市場彈性，所帶來結果必然是貧富不均的擴大、社會不公義的增加，再加上社會安全保障系統的不足，將使社會有越來越分化、兩極的風險。也因此宣稱能夠達成勞動市場彈性與社會安全保障平衡的彈性安全策略，在具有強烈社會連帶思想的歐洲國家，引起極大的重視。探究彈性安全之內涵，是指彈性勞動市場、積極勞動市場政策與慷慨失業保險體系三者的結合，而此三面向為本文跨國比較核心。 　　比較德國、荷蘭及我國的現行政策與法令，本文發現德國對於非典型僱用的立場為有限度的開放，2005年哈茲法案雖為德國近年最大規模勞動市場彈性化改革，仍是以保障、正名化、平等化非典型勞工為目的，在有完善的社會安全保障的前提下，才能擴大非典型僱用的使用，可看出德國在非典型僱用政策上，安全優於彈性的軌跡。荷蘭的非典型僱用已成為勞動市場主流，非典型勞工的權益已列入民法保障，並且另有許多法令層層保障非典型勞工，其政策方向由先彈性再安全，轉變成彈性兼安全。相較之下，我國對非典型勞工的保障仍不夠明確，相關法令保障其勞動權益與社會保險相對缺乏，因此本文建議：一、我國應正視非典型僱用成長趨勢，以完整的社會安全保障、更廣泛的積極勞動市場為前提，明確的將各種非典型工作納入勞動法及社會安全保障法令規範，勞動市場彈性化才不會對非典型勞工造成長遠、負面影響；二、應儘快實行勞基法派遣專章，使派遣勞工不再成為勞動市場弱勢；三、修正勞工保險與就業保險之薪資門檻，才有可能確實保障部分工時勞工權益。

鑒於鄰國日本因登錄型勞動派遣運用氾濫，形成「窮忙族」（working poor）等各種社會問題，本研究主要係針對我國勞動派遣實務進行探討，並以登錄型勞動派遣作為主要研究重點，採文獻分析與深度訪談法進行研究。 本研究針對派遣勞工、一般勞工、要派業者、派遣業者、政府與工會代表進行訪談及資料分析後，獲致下列結論： 一、我國實務上勞動派遣運用普遍採登錄型方式，已造成「就業不穩定」、「中間剝削」、「同工不同酬」等就業安全問題。 二、我國勞動法令因缺乏勞動派遣之定義與規範，係造成實務上登錄型勞動派遣之普遍濫用以及「轉掛」及「偽裝承攬」等違法情事的主要原因。 三、我國公部門因勞動與人事政策法令的長期脫鉤，致各政府機關帶頭使用登錄型勞動派遣，並以政府採購法之「勞務採購」名義恣意獲取廉價勞動力，儼然已成為勞動力濫用元兇，更讓企業肆無忌憚地跟進運用。 / Seeing that Japan is suffering from various social issues like “working poor” caused by the misuse of registration-type dispatched work, this study is aimed at discussing the practice of dispatched work in Taiwan, particularly the registration-type. Moreover, this study adopts literature review and in-depth interview as the study methods. After conducting interviews with dispatched labors, general labors, client companies, recruitment companies, government, and union representatives and analyzing the data, the study concludes its study results as follows: I. Registration-type dispatched work is generally in practice in Taiwan and it has caused issues like unstable employment, agency exploit, and pay disparity for the same job. II. The regulations of Labor in Taiwan do not have specific definitions and norms of dispatched work, causing registration-type dispatched work to be misused and illegal situations like false recruitment may occur. III. Since the public sector has isolated itself from being exposed to the regulations of labor and the policies of personnel recruitment for a long time, many local government departments employ cheap labors of registration-type dispatched work in the name of services procurement. In other words, the public sector has set a false model for corporations to follow.

勞動市場彈性化導致企業開始採非典型僱用，公部門亦跟進彈性化趨勢，藉此舒解人事預算有限之壓力，我國公立就業服務機構許多核心業務亦為如此，而本研究重點於個案管理員勞動處境之探究。 個案管理員的服務對象為複雜性較高的弱勢族群，藉由案主所需，擬定長期性之服務計畫，協助其順利進入勞動市場。而個案管理從開辦此業務以來已有十多年之久，顯然並非公立就業服務機構的暫時性業務，但卻以非典型僱用方式，以政府的暫僱人力(自聘人力)與勞動派遣方式解套核心業務的人力需求。個案管理工作本為服務就業弱勢者，卻將提供服務者(個案管理員)同樣推入弱勢勞動處境，尤其身為勞動派遣身分，在工作場所之中面對政府的自聘人力或是正式公務員，更凸顯其勞動弱勢之狀態。 透過本研究的個案管理工作探討與勞動處境之檢視，本文提出以下之建議： 一、個案管理模式：(一)需改善程序模式的缺點(二)簡化個案管理員之工作(三)追求績效的同時，亦重視服務品質(四)擴充可利用之資源(五)個案管理仍有成為獨立業務之必要 二、個案管理員之勞動處境而言：(一)政府全面直接僱用個案管理員(二)杜絕勞動派遣人力(三)自僱人力全面簽訂不定期契約，人事預算編列上由單位內部所聘僱 (四)擁有合理的薪資調幅以及升遷制度，至少縮小與公務人員之間的差距。如此個案管理工作能夠被視為長久且有具發展性之工作，自然願意長時間駐守此一工作崗位並且全力以赴地協助弱勢者，對於我國公立就業服務機構而言定能有積極正面之助益。 / Labor market flexibility leads the private companies to adopt atypical employment. However, the government institutions also follow this rule to solve the problem of limited personnel budget so that public employment agencies start to adopt atypical employment. Case management was adopted by public employment agencies in 2002 to enhance the performance of public employment service. However, case managers are hired either on fixed-term basis or as dispatched workers. As a result, their working conditions, labor rights and service quality become a great concern. This study would like to discuss the concerned issue and attempt to offer policy recommendations. Case managers help the disadvantaged groups to enter the labor market and they usually need to face the highly complex problem. They should understand the needs of vulnerable clients and make long-term plans to assist them to successfully enter the labor market. The work of case managers has been existed at least for ten years, suggesting that it is not a temporary work. But public employment agencies do not treat them as regular employees to meet their manpower needs. Case managers are supposed to serve those disadvantaged groups, but now their plight is the same as that of their vulnerable clients, which makes their service in jeopardy. Based on the investigation of the working conditions of case managers, policy recommendations are as follows: 1.For the model of case management: (1) Improving assessment model (2) Simplifying the work of the case manager (3) Pursuing quantitative goals while not neglecting qualitative ends as its performance indicators (4) Expanding available resources (5) The job of case management is necessary and needs to be treated as an independent task. 2.For the working condition of case manager: (1) Case managers are to be employed on a permanent basis (2) Eliminating the dispatched employment (3) working conditions should be reasonable. Thus, case management should be considered as a long-term work that has a career prospect in order to provide better service for the disadvantaged groups and help enhance the performance of public employment agencies.

本研究主要的目的在探討納保對象不繳費原因？以質化研究途徑之深度訪談法，根據研究目的訂定訪談大綱，採立意抽樣方式，在2011年3月至4月間找到15位受訪者。研究對象包括：北部及中部地區，年齡在25歲至64歲間之國民年金保險納保對象及職業工會參加勞保者，分別有10及5位受訪者。針對納保對象、繳費意願、保障內容等議題及職業工會加保問題進行探討。經分析訪談資料後，所得研究重要發現如下： 1.國民年金納保對象與職業工會加保者，共同的工作性質均以非典型工作為主，即臨時工、部分工時、兼職，不全然以無工作者為主；由於工作不穩定，故在繳費上確有其困難，有些人則透過職業工會投保勞保。 2.中部地區繳費率低之主因係交通不便捷，以汽、機車代步，花費佔生活費一部分。其次，居民均擁有財產（如房屋、土地）無收入者為主。 3.學生因無收入，均由父母親代繳，且清寒學生畢業後需償還就學貸款，失業者生活困頓。 4.受訪者認為不應計收遲延繳納之利息、配偶互負繳納義務應規定配套措施。多數受訪者表示，不知道老年年金給付與老年基本保證年金所適用對象不同。其次，國民年金繳費年限太長，保障比勞保少。 5.中部地區較多由職業工會違法掛名加保。 根據研究發現，提出以下建議： 1.學生及失業者繳費問題 可仿傚日本，針對父母之家庭可支配所得（調整各種扣除額後之所得），及就讀學校種類（公、私立）、居住型態（是否與父母同住），或依學生的收入，訂定減免標準。失業者及學生有能力繳納者可採自願納保，不應將無力繳納者強制納保。 2.預繳保險費可另訂折扣辦法，例如預繳1年享8折，半年享9折等規定，以提高繳費率。 3.保險費計算比照健保第6類人口以平均保險費為基礎或二代健保，仿傚日本以家戶所得高低為判定保費負擔能力基準，以減輕經濟弱勢者的負擔。 4.刪除計收遲延繳納之利息，落實配偶互負連帶繳納義務可依配偶之年所得或收入，依比例原則訂定處罰鍰標準，收入較高者，處較高罰鍰，以改善制度中未能達到的「劫富濟貧效果」，即垂直重分配功能之缺失。家暴受害者應予免除其為施暴之配偶連帶罰鍰規定，執政當局可與警察局或警政署之家暴資料勾稽。 5.受訪者均認為對政府財政不具信心或不繳費未來65歲時可領3,000多元之敬老津貼，為了提高國人繳費意願，可將保費運用情形及老年年金給付與老年基本保證年金所適用對象不同，若未繳保險費屆滿65歲時，無法領取3,000多元之老年年金，列為政策宣導重點，強化國人繳費與享受權利對等關係。 6.展望未來，國民年金制度可比照勞保制定紓困貸款辦法，以無欠費且加保年資在一定年限，得申請紓困貸款，以緩解納保對象在生活上之困境。 7.職業工會掛名加保問題，應將中、南部列為稽查重點區域。 / The main purpose of this study is to find out why those people covered by National Pension Insurance but do not pay insurance premium? In-depth interview method of qualitative research is applied in this study. Interview guide is drafted according to the purpose of this study. Purposive sampling is used and 15 respondents were found between March and April of 2011. The objects of this studying includes: people who live in central and north Taiwan region, and aged between 25 and 64 years. 10 and 5 respondents are from National Pension Insurance coverage group and labor insurance participants from occupational union respectively. The major issues discussed are insurance coverage object, willingness to pay insurance premium, content of insurance benefit and join National Pension Insurance with worker association participant identity. After cross analysis on the interview data, the major findings are as follows: 1.The common characteristics work for National Pension Insurance coverage object and labor insurance participants with occupational union identity are mostly atypical employment which are contingent worker, part-time worker and they are not all workless; since their job is unstable so they do have some difficulties in paying insurance premium and some of them participate in labor insurance through occupational union. 2.The major reason for the low insurance premium paying rate in central Taiwan region is inconvenient transportation. People live in here are mostly using car and motorcycle as their transportation mean and the expenses for those transportation means are a big part of their living expenses. In addition, people here are mainly no income but own real estate such as houses and lands. 3.Since students have no income so the insurance premium are all paid by their parents and those students who from low income family also have to pay student loans after they graduated from schools so the jobless ones would have a very hard time in life. 4.The respondents think there should be no interest for late payment to insurance premium and there should be supporting measures defined for couples who take premium payment duties for each other. Most of the respondents say they don’t know that the applicable object for old age pension and old age basic guarantee pension are different. Secondly, the premium paying years for National Pension Insurance are too long and its benefit is less than those of labor insurance. 5.In Central Taiwan region, there are more cases of illegal participation in Labor insurance through Occupational union who actually are jobless. According to the findings of this study, the following suggestions are proposed: 1.Students and Unemployed Insurance Premium Payment Problem Could learn from Japan and define premium deduction standard based on the family disposal income (income after adjusted from deduction) on the parents’ income, school type (private or public), household status (whether live with the parents), and the student’s income. For unemployed and students who have the capability to pay premium should use voluntary insurance participation and should not make it compulsory. 2.Some discount measured could be implemented for prepaid insurance premium; for example, prepaid 1 year premium to get 20% off and six months for 10% off to improve insurance premium payment rate. 3.Insurance premium calculation should be based on the average insurance premium of category 6 of health insurance or second generation national health insurance premium, following the example of Japan who use the level of household income to determine affordability benchmark premium in order to reduce the burden of the economically disadvantaged. 4.Remove the accrued interest from late payment; follow through on the obligation of spouse to be responsible for their insurance premium and use the principle of proportionality to set penalties based on their annual income or revenue. Higher income should pay higher fine to improve the “Robin Hood effect”, vertical income redistribution function, which has not be implemented in the system currently. Victims of domestic violence should be waived from the fines associated with regulation for the late payment of their spouse; the administration could cross check with the police authorities or the domestic violence data in National Police Agency to verify. 5.Most of the respondents have no confidence on the Government’s financial future or they think they can receive $3,000 of old age pension at the age of 65 if they do not pay the premium. In order to improve people’s willingness to pay insurance premium, the government could separate the insurance premium usage and the applicable object between old age pension payment and old age basic guarantee pension. If people do not pay the insurance premium, they would not be able to receive the 3,000 old age pension at the age of 65 when insurance expires; and put this point as the focus of policy advocacy to strengthen the relationship between paying insurance premium and enjoy the rights. 6.Looking into future, National Pension System could learn from the labor insurance to develop relief loan scheme. If the people have no overdue insurance premium with more than one year of insurance coverage, they could apply for relief loans to ease the life obstacles accrued on the object of National Pension Insurance. 7.For the illegal participation of labor insurance problem with occupational union, the government should take central and south Taiwan as the key checking regions.