This study presents the results of an analysis of three Late Neolithic pottery assemblages from Wadi Ziqlab, northern Jordan. These sites were occupied during the 6th millennium BC (calibrated) and are therefore contemporary with sites in other parts of the southern Levant that are attributed to the Wadi Rabah culture. The assemblages are analyzed from a stylistic perspective, broadly defined, which includes an examination of technological style in addition to a more traditional examination of vessel form and surface treatment. Different stages in the pottery production sequence are investigated using a range of analytical techniques, including thin-section petrography and xeroradiography. While there are some similarities between the assemblages, there are also some noticeable differences. The results of the pottery analysis are used to explore the nature of community in the context of the Late Neolithic. A critique of more traditional archaeological approaches to prehistoric communities leads to a re-conceptualization of community that combines interactional and ideational perspectives. Similarities in pottery among the sites, especially technological similarities, suggest that pottery producers may have comprised a dispersed community of practice. At the same time, pottery may have also been a symbolic marker of community boundaries. Differences in pottery among the sites, including surface treatment, may reflect the flexibility of these boundaries as different parts of the dispersed community negotiated their place in it. The presence of variation among contemporary pottery assemblages in a localized area suggests that social organization during the 6th millennium may have been more complex than is normally assumed for the Late Neolithic in the southern Levant. A dispersed community, with its members spread throughout the wadi, would require a sufficiently complex and flexible system of relationships to maintain it. Failing to acknowledge this has contributed to the difficulties archaeologists have encountered when trying to understand the culture-history of the 6th millennium BC in and east of the Jordan Valley.

The present study was intended as a new approach to the study of the military equipment of the Late Assyrian period which has traditionally relied upon the pictorial representations of the palace reliefs. By examining extant artifacts from the first millennium in their own right, with the reliefs merely serving to contextualize them, a truer understanding of Assyrian arms and armour can be gathered. This is necessary because the artwork only provides us with a filtered view of the real world, the reliefs are as much works of propaganda as of history. The approach taken here is to first examine the existing weapons typologically, and then to evaluate whether such weapon types appear to be accurately represented in contemporary artwork. Textual sources are also used where they can aid in the discussion. Five categories of arms and armour were studied: swords and daggers, spearpoints, shields, armour and helmets. The quality and quantity of the items in these categories varied significantly, providing for a much better representative sample of some items than others. Further questions concerning the possible ritual, rather than military, use of some of the existing artifacts were raised. However, the main conclusions reached were that the reliefs suffer not only from a propagandistic viewpoint which sometimes obscures the reality of Assyrian warfare, but that they also suffer from artistic license and spatial restraints, the difficulties in representing three-dimensional objects in a two-dimensional manner, the possible unfamiliarity of the artists with changing military technology and methods of construction, and finally, our inability to understand artistic short-hand for what were commonplace objects to the contemporary viewer. These have led to misunderstanding both as to the dating and chronological changes in weaponry, and also to the tactics used by the Late Assyrian military. This study of the artifacts themselves reveals a more mundane, utilitarian, and conservative military force which shows both a basic homogeneousness throughout the empire, and the myriad tiny variables of an army on the move drawing weapons and troops from many regions.

This thesis undertakes a complete reinvestigation of the archaeology of a large Early Bronze Age cemetery at İkiztepe in northern Turkey, by utilizing oxygen and strontium isotope analysis of human remains in combination with spatial and biodistance analysis and various dating techniques to identify potential immigrants to the site and to examine larger issues of residential mobility and social organization. The occupation of the Northern Anatolian site of İkiztepe is traditionally assigned to the Late Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Ages. However, the site’s chronological framework has been challenged in recent years. These chronological issues have been addressed by applying fluoride and AMS radiocarbon dating to the skeletal remains from the İkiztepe cemetery, to develop an absolute and relative chronology for the burials. These results have shown that the cemetery dates at least a millennium earlier than previously supposed. Oxygen and strontium isotope analyses allowed the identification of individuals whose bone chemistry suggests that they were possible long distance immigrants to the site of İkiztepe, as well as suggesting the existence of a group of mobile individuals who may represent a transhumant segment of the İkiztepe population. Spatial and biodistance analyses suggest that principles of cemetery organization in this period were highly complex. Immigrant individuals and nomadic or semi-nomadic segments of the population do not appear to have been distinguished in any observable way from their sedentary local counterparts, displaying similar burial types, grave goods and spatial locations. Furthermore, burial within the İkiztepe cemetery does not appear to have been kin structured. These results suggest that assumptions about funerary practices as important indicators of cultural identity and lineage affiliation may represent an over-simplification of complex patterns of interaction and integration among and within populations and cultural groups.

On trouve sur les côtes de l’estuaire du Saint-Laurent des vestiges de quai dont la ressemblance mutuelle suggère leur contemporanéité. Les vestiges de ces «quais du gouvernement » relatent une importante conjoncture (1870-1930) caractérisée par l'intégration des localités côtières dans une économie interrégionale. Le quai, autrefois lieu d'interface entre la ruralité et le cabotage, devient pour l'archéologue une occasion de retracer les éléments entrant dans sa conception et sa réalisation. L’observation des éléments architecturaux permet de distinguer les traits architecturaux associés aux quais du gouvernement parmi l’ensemble des techniques de construction déjà employées dans l’estuaire au XIXe siècle. / In the St. Lawrence estuary, there are many ancient wharves whose mutual resemblance of their remains suggests they are contemporaneous. The remains of the “government wharves” relate an important conjecture (1870-1930) formed by the integration of the coastal localities in an interregional economic network. The wharf, formerly an interface between the rural land and the estuarial cabotage, presents an opportunity for the archaeologist to recognize the architectural character of the conception and the realization of the wharves. The examination of their frame construction allows us to distinguish the architectural character of the government wharves among the techniques already employed in the estuary in the 19th century.

In this dissertation, I discuss the role of organic residue analysis in identifying economic activities and subsistence practices associated with the first uses of pottery in the Middle East, and present the results of my analyses of 280 potsherds recovered from 22 Neolithic and early Chalcolithic settlements dating between 7300 and 4300 cal BC. The adoption of pottery vessels in the early agricultural villages and pastoral encampments of the Middle East was not a uniform phenomenon, with this new technology not immediately of benefit, apparently, to all human groups. Results of my analyses have demonstrated that ‘conventional’ solvent extraction and alkaline hydrolysis techniques have limited utility in the recovery of diagnostic organic compounds from pottery from early ceramic horizons in the Middle East (Gregg et al. 2007), and that increased yields can be achieved through the use of a microwave-assisted liquid chromatography protocol (Gregg et al. 2009; Gregg and Slater in press). My research has established that there is greater diversity in the fractionation of stable carbon isotopes associated with the synthesis of fatty acids in domesticated animals than has previously been reported. In many instances, the ranges of modern isotopic values that have been used to categorize animal fats in archaeological potsherds in northern Europe cannot distinguish between the ∂13C ratios of ancient dairy residues and carcass fats of ruminant and non-ruminant species in central Europe or the Middle East (Gregg et al. 2009; Gregg and Slater in press). In light of these results, I evaluate the diagnostic potential and limitations of different methodological approaches in the recovery and characterization of organic residues, and propose a series of measures that will allow more confident categorization of the substances in early pottery vessels from the Middle East. I also make a number of recommendations for archaeologists considering the use of organic residue analysis, and suggest some practical ideas on how to develop the degree of confidence necessary to assess the methods used in acquisition of molecular and isotopic data, and ultimately, to evaluate the adequacy of the analytical criteria used to address specific archaeological research questions.

This dissertation explores the origins and development of Northern Iroquoian village life in present-day southern Ontario, from the first appearance of durable domestic architecture in the 10th century A.D., to the formation of large villages and towns in the 15th century A.D. Twenty-five extensively excavated village sites are analyzed in terms of the configuration of exterior and interior space, with a view to placing the social construction of community at the centre of the problem of early village development. Metric and space-syntax measures of the configuration of outdoor space reveal coordinated developments in the scale of houses and villages, their built-densities, and the structure of exterior accessibility networks, that involved the emergence of a “local-to-global” pattern of order with village growth. Such a pattern, I argue, was experientially consonant with a sequential hierarchy of daily social encounters and interactions that was related to the development of factional groups. Within the longhouse, a similarly “nested” pattern of spatial order and associated social identities emerged early in the history of village development, but was elaborated and ritualized during the later 13th century as the longhouse became the primary body through which political alliances involving village coalescence were negotiated. I suggest that the progressive extensification of collective social groups associated with longhouse expansions and village coalescences involved the development of “conjoint” personhood and power in a context of predominantly mutualistic village economies and enduring egalitarian ideals. The ritualization of domestic space during this process reveals that the continual production and extension of social group identities – such as the matrilineage – was contingent upon “social work” accomplished through an ongoing generative engagement with the built environment.

Storage is an important part of the background in many archaeological studies of the origins of early complex societies. Yet, a problem with many of these studies of formation and change in complex societies is that the social significance of storage is assumed rather than demonstrated. In this dissertation, I examine the practice of storage in three regions of prehistoric Korea and its relationship with socio-political structural changes. I analyze the distribution of storage artifacts and features such as pits, large-capacity pottery, and raised-floor structures in the context of their spatial relationships with other archaeological features and elite precincts at the household and settlement levels. The archaeological features used for storage in the Mumun Pottery Period (3390-2290 calibrated years B.P.) changed in form diachronically and show that underground pit storage remained constant during the period of study and that clandestine storage was not completely replaced by above-ground visible storage. Elite actors seem to have had some influence on the nature of storage in at least two central settlements, Daepyeong I and II and Songguk-ri, but appear to have been unable to completely control stored agricultural surplus in the two settlements and had little control over the surrounding areas.

In this dissertation, I discuss the role of organic residue analysis in identifying economic activities and subsistence practices associated with the first uses of pottery in the Middle East, and present the results of my analyses of 280 potsherds recovered from 22 Neolithic and early Chalcolithic settlements dating between 7300 and 4300 cal BC. The adoption of pottery vessels in the early agricultural villages and pastoral encampments of the Middle East was not a uniform phenomenon, with this new technology not immediately of benefit, apparently, to all human groups. Results of my analyses have demonstrated that ‘conventional’ solvent extraction and alkaline hydrolysis techniques have limited utility in the recovery of diagnostic organic compounds from pottery from early ceramic horizons in the Middle East (Gregg et al. 2007), and that increased yields can be achieved through the use of a microwave-assisted liquid chromatography protocol (Gregg et al. 2009; Gregg and Slater in press). My research has established that there is greater diversity in the fractionation of stable carbon isotopes associated with the synthesis of fatty acids in domesticated animals than has previously been reported. In many instances, the ranges of modern isotopic values that have been used to categorize animal fats in archaeological potsherds in northern Europe cannot distinguish between the ∂13C ratios of ancient dairy residues and carcass fats of ruminant and non-ruminant species in central Europe or the Middle East (Gregg et al. 2009; Gregg and Slater in press). In light of these results, I evaluate the diagnostic potential and limitations of different methodological approaches in the recovery and characterization of organic residues, and propose a series of measures that will allow more confident categorization of the substances in early pottery vessels from the Middle East. I also make a number of recommendations for archaeologists considering the use of organic residue analysis, and suggest some practical ideas on how to develop the degree of confidence necessary to assess the methods used in acquisition of molecular and isotopic data, and ultimately, to evaluate the adequacy of the analytical criteria used to address specific archaeological research questions.

This dissertation explores the origins and development of Northern Iroquoian village life in present-day southern Ontario, from the first appearance of durable domestic architecture in the 10th century A.D., to the formation of large villages and towns in the 15th century A.D. Twenty-five extensively excavated village sites are analyzed in terms of the configuration of exterior and interior space, with a view to placing the social construction of community at the centre of the problem of early village development. Metric and space-syntax measures of the configuration of outdoor space reveal coordinated developments in the scale of houses and villages, their built-densities, and the structure of exterior accessibility networks, that involved the emergence of a “local-to-global” pattern of order with village growth. Such a pattern, I argue, was experientially consonant with a sequential hierarchy of daily social encounters and interactions that was related to the development of factional groups. Within the longhouse, a similarly “nested” pattern of spatial order and associated social identities emerged early in the history of village development, but was elaborated and ritualized during the later 13th century as the longhouse became the primary body through which political alliances involving village coalescence were negotiated. I suggest that the progressive extensification of collective social groups associated with longhouse expansions and village coalescences involved the development of “conjoint” personhood and power in a context of predominantly mutualistic village economies and enduring egalitarian ideals. The ritualization of domestic space during this process reveals that the continual production and extension of social group identities – such as the matrilineage – was contingent upon “social work” accomplished through an ongoing generative engagement with the built environment.

Storage is an important part of the background in many archaeological studies of the origins of early complex societies. Yet, a problem with many of these studies of formation and change in complex societies is that the social significance of storage is assumed rather than demonstrated. In this dissertation, I examine the practice of storage in three regions of prehistoric Korea and its relationship with socio-political structural changes. I analyze the distribution of storage artifacts and features such as pits, large-capacity pottery, and raised-floor structures in the context of their spatial relationships with other archaeological features and elite precincts at the household and settlement levels. The archaeological features used for storage in the Mumun Pottery Period (3390-2290 calibrated years B.P.) changed in form diachronically and show that underground pit storage remained constant during the period of study and that clandestine storage was not completely replaced by above-ground visible storage. Elite actors seem to have had some influence on the nature of storage in at least two central settlements, Daepyeong I and II and Songguk-ri, but appear to have been unable to completely control stored agricultural surplus in the two settlements and had little control over the surrounding areas.