This research analyses government communication within Northern Ireland. The central focus of the research is the roles and relationships of government communicators and journalists in the power-sharing post-conflict context of Northern Ireland, and how they can be located within broader debates about government communication in democratic societies. Research on government communication in complex institutional systems from a public relations perspective is limited, as is research on this topic in Northern Ireland. In-depth elite interviews were carried out with two kinds of government communicators, civil servant Government Information Officers (GIOs) and politically appointed Ministerial Special Advisers (SpAds), as well as political journalists working in Northern Ireland. This method enabled a comprehensive analysis of the government communication process. As with other political contexts, power and trust dynamics between these individuals are important in explicating how information is disseminated from government, and how it is managed between government and the media. The principal findings of this research are that the post-conflict environment, the consociational structure of government, and the antagonistic political culture in Northern Ireland, all impact on the flow of information from these professional groups into the public sphere. As a result, Northern Ireland's public sphere is characterised not just by the usual contest between government communicators and journalists over political stories, but also by competition across and within departments. Government-media interactions are also shaped by the legacy of conflict. These issues impact detrimentally on GIOs' abilities to communicate a cohesive and transparent government message to the public. This thesis contributes to our knowledge of government communication in contemporary societies by demonstrating the importance of relationships between communication elites in this process. It also illuminates the particular issues which a consociational system and post-conflict context produce for government communication, thereby addressing the wider democratic implications of government communication for a post-conflict society.

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New Labour was the party of government in the UK from 1997-2010. During this period it implemented many changes to the way government communication operated, leading to a type of communication that was widely criticised as 'spin'. This thesis seeks to provide a normative critique of government communication under New Labour. It does so by suggesting that the model of the public sphere, as primarily forwarded by Jürgen Habermas in the Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, can give rise to a set of normative principles that suggest how government ought to communicate. The normative model that is outlined represents an original contribution to knowledge, and advances the theoretical understanding of how the public sphere model might be applied to contemporary political communication. In discussing the public sphere under New Labour, this thesis addresses the role of the Internet, online public services and the UK Parliament in shaping the public sphere. It also attempts to define a certain type of 'spin' that was in use in government under New Labour, and argues that it is both necessary and possible to limit spin in government communication, through internal and external regulation. To do so the normative model comprises five principles from public sphere theory that are representative of a type of government communication that allows the public sphere to function as it is meant to. In arriving at this argument, this thesis draws on a range of governmental and parliamentary reports and inquiries. This thesis undertakes a detailed analysis of the communication structures that developed under New Labour, and argues that the party established in government many of the communication techniques that it had employed in opposition. This thesis concludes by arguing that government communication under New Labour had a greater role in developing the private sphere rather than the public sphere.

Michel Rocard (1930-2016) apparaît comme un des premiers à s'être saisi des moyens de communication « modernes », dès la fin des années 1960, puis de manière plus systématique à partir de 1974 autour de groupes dédiés à son image (Groupe « image » et groupe Prospol). Il fait un large usage des techniques de marketing politique s'appuyant notamment sur des conseillers spécialistes du domaine, l'utilisation des sondages et du videotraining. Cela lui permet de se bâtir une légitimité médiatico-sondagière alors qu'il se trouve en marge du jeu politique. Toutefois, il ne parvient pas par ce biais à fragiliser le pouvoir de François Mitterrand sur le Parti. Il doit ainsi renoncer en faveur du Premier secrétaire à être candidat pour l'élection présidentielle de 1981. Déçu par les limites de cette ressource médiatico-sondagière il en devient l'un des principaux critiques et se forge un « complexe » à son égard. Il accuse les médias de simplifier à outrance et de rendre impossible l'exercice du pouvoir. Cela l'amène à délaisser la communication audiovisuelle, et à devenir de plus hostile aux journalistes, au point d'apparaître comme l'un des Premiers ministres (1988-1991) les moins communicants. L'absence de pédagogie autour de ses actions laissera toute la place aux critiques. Ainsi, après avoir quitté Matignon, il ne pourra pas s'appuyer sur un bilan ayant marqué les esprits et sera rapidement rattrapé par l'impopularité du PS d'alors. Dès lors, il ne parviendra pas à inverser la tendance et à conserver ses chances pour la présidentielle de 1995. / Michel Rocard (1930-2016) appears as one of the pioneers in french political communication. From the 1960's he adopted the new techniques of political marketing. In 1974, this preparation of his communication becomes organized systematically. Two main groups were created around political scientists, pollsters and journalists in order to shape his image, using opinion polls, video training and marketing methods. He used opinion polls and good media coverage in order to make up his marginality inside the French Socialist Party (directed by François Mitterrand). However, he failed to threaten the power of François Mitterrand on the Socialist Party. For the first time he had to renounce in favor of the Prime Secretary of the party. After this defeat he became progressively one of the main critics of the political communication. He accused the media for threatening the exercise of power. More and more he renounced Tv shows and became aggressive with journalists. Prime minister between 1988 and 1991 he avoided media coverage. Forced to resign in 1991 his appraisal was largely unknown. Even if he tried to reinforce his position becoming the leader of the French socialist Party in 1993, Michel Rocard was rapidly reached by the unpopularity affecting the Socialist Party.After a severe defeat during the European elections in 1994 he renounced to become the candidate for the presidential election in 1995.

Aux lendemains de la défaite allemande de 1918, Adolf Hitler, le caporal défait de la Première Guerre mondiale, psychiquement en guerre depuis de longues années, écoute attentivement ce qui, dans l'histoire du peuple allemand, sa langue et sa culture, maintient ses espoirs et ses craintes. Au XIXe siècle, le mythe 'völkisch' - l'idéologie du 'Volk' allemand- avait structuré l'identité des Allemands. La défaite allemande de 1918 sonnait la fin de ce mythe, laissant la jeune Allemagne auparavant si sûre de son destin exceptionnel, totalement humiliée. Dans cet 'Umwelt' déboussolée, Adolf Hitler, l'autodidacte de Braunau, aussitôt propulsé sur la scène politique bavaroise, glanait rancoeurs et inquiétudes sociales pour se constituer un discours. La langue qu'il était en train de fabriquer, bientôt fixée définitivement dans 'Mein Kampf', était une langue totalitaire et meurtrière. Totalitaire, en prétendant tout dire et répondre à toutes les inquiétudes d'une époque ; meurtrière par !'opérateur sémantique qui liait dans un même énoncé « Deutschland erwache » à sa haine antisémite «Juda verrecke ». Adolf Hitler fut l'homme d'une seule idée: une lutte mortelle entre Aryens et Juifs était engagée depuis des siècles. De l'issue de cette lutte dépendait le sort du peuple allemand. La victoire du peuple juif signerait l'anéantissement de la race aryenne et plus globalement du monde entier. Pour que le peuple allemand vive, il n'y avait d'autre solution que celle du 'Juda verrecke'. La langue qu'il avait fabriquée ne fut qu'un habillage de son délire paranoïaque, le moyen de propagande le plus puissant qui ait soutenu, pendant presque douze années, les illusions les plus mensongères. La néo-réalité nazie créait les conditions nécessaires pour qu'un peuple se tourne entièrement vers son mythe, renversant en terreur l'autre face qui n'était que ravissement. Face à la mystification du 'Deutsch/anderwache' doublée de l'entreprise meurtrière du 'Juda verrecke', la majorité du peuple allemand avait succombé. / The days following the german defeat of 1918, Adolf Hitler, the defeated caporal from the First World War, psychologically at war for long many years, is carefully listening what, in the german people History, its language and its culture, holds his hopes and his fears together. During the 19th century, the ideology from the german « Volk », the« völkisch » myth, had structured the gerrnan identity.The gerrnan defeat of 1918 called this myth to an end, leaving this young Germany wich before was so sure about it special destiny, totally humiliated. In this totally lost « Umwelt », Adolf Hitler, Braunau's autodidact, was immediatly propelled on the bavarish politic scène, catching every resentment and social anxiety to build himself a speach. The language wich he was building, soon definitively fixed in « Mein Kampf », was a totalitarian and murderous language.Totalitarian, pretending to say everything, to answer to all periods of anxiety .Murderous, by the semantic operator wich bound in one speach « Deutschland erwache » to his antisemite hatred « Judverrecke ». Adolf Hitler was a one idea's man : a deadly fight between Aryans and Jews had been settled for centuries. From the result of this fight was depending the fate of the german people. The jewish victory would give the destruction of the aryan's race and most likely the destruction from the whole world.

Étudier le règne agité de Jean II de Castille (1406-1454), c’est retracer une histoire politique marquée par d’intenses luttes de pouvoir et de longues périodes de "guerre civile" ; c’est s’interroger sur les différentes manifestations de ces conflits dans le discours historiographique ; c’est en somme entrer dans la polémique, dans la bataille des mots qui se joue alors. Un tel contexte de crise produit un discours de légitimation et de condamnation entre le faux et le vrai où la manipulation d’un argumentaire politique par les différents partis (luniste, henricien...etc.) donne lieu à une remise en cause de la pratique du pouvoir. Entre institutionnalisation de la monarchie et centralisation de son exercice, la noblesse tente de s’imposer comme un groupe de pressions à l’aide de stratégies de communication précises où l’argumentation se confond avec les notions floues de rumeur, d’opinion qui aboutissent bien souvent à un exercice propagandiste de l’écrit. Notre étude se centre sur les traces et les mécanismes de ce combat des mots dans les chroniques et autres lettres d’époque durant les premières années d’exercice du pouvoir. Une polémique qui ne va cesser de se répéter et de se réactualiser durant tout le règne. / To study the turmoil of the reign of John II of Castile (1406-1454) means to recount a political history marked by intense power struggles and long periods of "civil war". It also implies to question the different manifestations of these conflicts in the historical timeline and political discourse; so to speak, it means you must embrace and consider the arguments of every side, and to some extent you must take part in those battles of words which took place at the time. Such a crisis induces questions about what is legitimate and what is to be condemned, between what is fake and what is genuine. In addition, the uses of different political argumentations by the different political parties (luniste, henricien...etc.) leads to a questioning of their practice of the political power. Between the institutionalization and the centralization of the monarchy and its concrete enforcement, the nobility is trying to establish itself as a pressure group that gives rise to specific communication strategies, in which the arguments gets intertwined with some vague notions of rumors or opinions, which eventually leads quite often to the application of ideas developed in propagandist writings. Our study focuses on the sings and the mechanisms of this battle of words in the letters and other records during John II of Castille’s early years of power. This controversial phenomenon will keep on repeating -and sometimes improving- itself throughout his reign.

En 1837, le château de Versailles est « converti » en un vaste musée visant à « réunir tous lessouvenirs historiques nationaux qu’il appartient aux arts de perpétuer ». Durant près d’unsiècle, cette histoire muséale de la France est reconduite, remaniée et actualisée jusqu’auprésent du Second Empire puis de la Troisième République. Notre thèse tente de comprendre,à partir d’un matériau archivistique dense, la contribution du musée à l’élaboration tout autantqu’à la diffusion d’un imaginaire national et civique.L’analyse iconographique de près de 1300 peintures, réinscrites dans leur cadre palatial,permet d’approcher les mises en forme picturales et matérielles du politique, ses variations etses invariants. Dès lors, l’enjeu est d’appréhender comment ces visions historicisées d’unÉtat-nation ont pu tenir et être appropriées. Leurs succès ne relèvent pas seulement d’uneaction politique et administrative mais s’arriment à l’agencement réciproque de différentessphères sociales et strates d’appartenance. Cette histoire nationale se forme en retraduisant lesunivers les plus familiers des acteurs, en empruntant à la mémoire domestique des « grandsnotables », aux normes et aux enjeux de groupements professionnels (peintres, historiens,militaires) ou encore en solennisant les pratiques routinières d’un « public mêlé ». L’histoirede France s’objective dans cette interpénétration des identités et des loyautés, dans cesconsolidations croisées de secteurs sociaux, dans ces dynamiques de politisation du social etde socialisation du politique. Saisir la formation, le contenu et la diffusion de cet imaginairenational équivaut alors à scruter des systèmes de relation entre groupements sociaux, desarticulations variables entre le quotidien et le national, entre l’art et l’histoire, entre le social etle politique. / In 1837, the Palace of Versailles was « converted » into a vast museum aiming to « gather allthe national historical memories that it belongs to the arts to perpetuate ». For about a century,the Second Empire, followed by the Third Republic, maintained, reshuffled and expanded themuseum, to include representations of contemporaneous events. This thesis aims tounderstand, based on a dense network of archival materials, the museum’s contribution to theelaboration and diffusion of a national and civic imagination.The iconographic analysis of nearly 1,300 paintings within the context of their palatialframework allows us to explore the pictorial and material representations of the political, theirsimilarities and differences. The issue, therefore, is to apprehend the manner in which thesehistoricized visions of the nation-Statecould hold and become internalized. Their success isnot only the result of political and administrative action, but also finds its source in the mutualreinforcement of different social spheres and loyalties. This national history takes shape byreproducing the actors’ most familiar environments, by borrowing from the domestic memoryof the “great notables” and from the norms and issues of professional groups (painters,historians, the military), or by solemnizing the popular habits. The history of France becomesobjective through this interpenetration of identities, through this mutual reinforcement ofsocial sectors, in these processes of politicization of the social and socialization of thepolitical. To understand the formation, content and diffusion of this national imaginationamounts to scrutinizing the systems of relationships between social groups, the evolvinginterrelations between everyday life and the national, between art and history, and betweenthe social and the political.

Abstracts in English, Zulu and Afrikaans / This Grounded Theory study focused on understanding how South Africa’s two numerically-dominant political parties, the African National Congress (ANC) and Democratic Alliance (DA), used micro-blogging site, Twitter, as part of their electioneering arsenal in the 2016 municipal elections to promote party-political digital issue ownership within an urban context. Using each party’s 2016 election manifesto and corpus of tweets, this three-phased study found that while both the ANC and DA used Twitter as a digital political communication platform to communicate their election campaigns, the DA notably leveraged the social networking site for intense ‘focused’ messaging of its negative campaign against the ANC while simultaneously promoting positive electoral messages around its own ‘core’ issues and metro mayoral candidates. ‘Battleground’ metros were identified by the DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane and Nelson Mandela Bay, leading to an emphasised urban campaign here to either activate the party’s own support base and/ or to suppress the ANC’s turnout in these highly-contested areas. Additionally, it was found that both the ANC and DA used Twitter for explicit and implicit partypolitical issue ownership claiming in the 2016 municipal elections. Lastly, this study also culminated in the proposal of three but interconnected different elements of a conceptual framework for digital political communication that political parties could use to promote digital party-political issue ownership within a pronounced urban electioneering setting. These elements – ‘coordinating and managing how an election is tweeted’, 'focus' messaging the election’ and ‘audience-segmenting as a message-tailoring strategy’ – when used in unison can help political parties communicate better and ultimately more effectively in a highly mediatised technological media landscape / Hierdie Gegronde Teorie Studie fokus op die verduideliking hoe Suid-Afrika se twee numeriese dominante politieke partye, die African National Congress (ANC) en Demokratiese Alliansie (DA), van die mikro-blog platform, Twitter, gebruik gemaak het tydens hulle verkiessingsstrategie in die 2016 munisipale verkiessings om die party politieke digitale kwessie rondom eienaarskap binne ‘n stedelike verband te bevorder. Deur elke party se 2016 verkiessings manifesto en arsenaal van twiets te gebruik, het hierdie drie-fase studie bevind dat beide die ANC en DA, Twitter gebruik het as ‘n digitale politieke kommunikasie platform. Die DA het egter die sosiale media netwerk kenmerkend gebruik vir ‘n intense gefokusde negatiewe veldtog teen die ANC terwyl hulle terselfdertyd ‘n positiewe verkiessings boodskap rondom die party se eie kernkwessies en metro burgermeesters kandidate gesentreer het. ‘Oorlogsgebied’ metros is deur die DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane en Nelson Mandela Bay geidentifiseer wat ‘n defnitiewe stedelike veldtog tot gevolg gehad het om die party se eie ondersteuningsbasis te bevorder en/of die ANC se ondersteuning in hierdie hoogs betwiste areas te onderdruk. Daar was ook bevind dat beide die ANC en DA van Twitter gebruik gemaak het vir eksplisiete en implisiete party politieke kwessies rondom eiernaarskap tydens die 2016 munisipale verkiessings. Hierdie studie kan saamgevat word in drie onderskeie maar verwante elemente om ‘n raamwerk te vorm van die digitale politieke kommunikasie wat politieke partye kan gebruik om digitale party politieke kwessies binne ‘n stedelike verkiessings omgewing te bevorder. Wanneer hierdie elemente – ‘koordinering en bestuur van hoe twiets tydens ‘n verkiesing gebruik word’, ‘’die focus van die boodksap tydens die verkiessing’ and ‘die gehoorsegmentasie can ‘n boodskap strategie’ – in ‘n eenheid gebruik word kan dit politieke partye help om beter en meer effektief te kommunikeer binne ‘n baie kompiterende en tegnologiese medialandskap. / Inkcazo-bungcali yesisifundo ibigxile ekuqondeni ukuba uMzantsi Africa lo unamaqela amakhulu amabini ezopolitiko, ukutsho, iAfrican National Congress (ANC) kunye ne Democratic Alliance (DA), la maqela asebenzise iwebhusayithi encinane uTwitter, njengenxalenye yezixhobo zonxibelelwano kunyulo loo masipala ngo-2016. Bekwenza oku ngelikhuthaza amaqela ezopolitiko nebango lawo kwimiba yezinto abathi bazithethe kwisithuba sedijithali,kumxholo wendawo zase dolophini. Esi sifundo sisebenzisa imanifesto kunye nothotho lwe tweets zeqela ngalinye, nesenziwe ngokwezigaba ezithathu, sifumanise ukuba nangona iANC kunye ne DA zisebenzise uTwitter njenge qonga lonxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali (ngokolwimi lwasemzini) ukunxibelelana namaphulo onyulo, iDA izibonakalise amandla kwindawo yokuncokola kwiqonga uTwitter,ngokuthi imiyalezo yayo igxile kwaye itsole. Miyalezo leyo ithe yagxila ngokungafanelekanga kumkhankaso weANC. Ngaxeshanye, imiyalezo yayo yona iDA ibeyeyakhayo, kwaye incedisana nephulo layo kwimiba ephambili kunye nabagqatswa bosodolophu bo masipala abambaxa. Oomasipala abambaxa abathi babenongquzulwano bachongwe yiDA Ekurhuleni, eRhawutini, eTshwane nase Bhayi. Lonto ibangele ukuba bagxininise ekukhokeleni iphulo ledolophu ukuze bavuselele inkxaso ye DA apho okanye bacinezele ukuvela kwe-ANC kwezi ndawo kuphikiswana kakhulu ngazo. Ukongeza, kufumaniseke ukuba iANC kunye neDA zisebenzise uTwitter ngokwendlela ecacileyo nengathanga ngqo kwimeko yobunini bemicimbi yepolitiki ukuze bafumane ibango kunyulo loomasipala lwango 2016. Okokugqibela, esisifundo sigqibele kwisindululo sezinto ezintathu azahlukeneyo kodwa ezidityaniswe yinkqubosikhokelo eqingqiweyo kunxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali. Ezi zinto zizinto ezisenakho ukusetyenziswa ngamaqela ezopolitiko ukukhuthaza ubunini bemicimbi yezopolitiko ngaphakathi kulungiselelo lonyulo lwedolophu olubhengeziweyo. Ezi zinto- 'ukulungelelanisa nokulawula indlela unyulo luthunyelwe ngayo kusetyeziswa uTwitter', 'kugxilwe' kwimiyalezo yonyulo kunye nokuhlukaniswa kwabaphulaphuli okanye ababukeli njengecebo lokulungisa umyalezo '- xa zisetyenziswa ngazwinye zinokuwanceda amaqela ezopolitiko anxibelelane ngcono kwaye ekugqibeleni ngokuyimpumelelo kakhulu kuxhamlo olunamandla kakhulu kubume beendaba kumhlaba wetekhnoloji (ngokolwimi lwesiNgesi). / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)