Call number: LD2668 .T4 1986 F47 / Master of Science / Industrial and Manufacturing Systems Engineering

M.A. / For the past 135 years, four waves of terrorism have arisen. Sparked by various circumstances, the Anarchist, Anti-Colonial, New Left and Religious Waves have plagued the international system. Emerging from these waves are five types of terrorist groups, namely national-separatists, social revolutionaries, religious fundamentalists, religious extremists and right wing groups. Terrorism is therefore not a new phenomenon, but the events of recent years have reflected a dramatic change in its scale and destruction. The 11 September 2001 attacks have precipitated a swell in terrorist literature, especially in the field of counter-terrorism strategy. However, sufficient in-depth analysis of individual terrorist groups remains lacking. In an effort to better understand the workings of terrorism, this study presents a comparative analysis of three terrorist groups originating in three consecutive and overlapping waves of terror. The groups are the Irish Republican Army (IRA), Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), and Al Qaeda. This study investigates the similarities and differences between the groups and addresses specific aspects of terrorist group analysis, which are important tools of clarification. The “why” of the group is reflected in its historical and socio-political context. The “what” and “how” are explained through the group’s organisation, characteristics and operational methods. Terrorists cannot operate in a vacuum and consequently the actors affecting the groups are also explored. Finally, international responses to the IRA, FARC and Al Qaeda are examined in an effort to determine whether these reactions have any impact on the workings of the groups. A main finding of the study is that despite overt differences there are many underlying similarities between the IRA, FARC and Al Qaeda and although terrorism is dynamic, common indicators do exist that may aid efforts to counter it. If the international community or indeed individual states are to combat terrorist activity, their principal objective should be to understand the terrorist’s background, ambitions and means. The present inquiry is designed with these aspects in mind and is intended to contribute to the field. / Prof. D.J. Geldenhuys

In 1962, very few people within the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) had ever heard of Lei Feng, a young soldier who died in a tragic accident while driving a truck for the People's Liberation Army. The following year, his name was known throughout China as one of the finest young soldiers that the country had ever produced. In years to come, his diary was put in the hands of everyone from school children to soldiers to serve as a model for the ideal Chinese citizen. Furthermore, as Chinese culture evolved, so did the Lei Feng image, changing from citizen-soldier in 1963 to socialist entrepreneur after 1978. This study's focus is how Lei Feng has become not only a model Chinese citizen-soldier and entrepreneur, but a successful example to fellow nations of how they, too, could mold the ideals of their citizens for generations to come.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of History, University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History September 1992 / The central feature of service in the Second world War for black soldiers, was the continuation of racial discrimination along the lines of that 'experienced by them in civilian life in South Africa. This discrimination affected almost every aspect of military service; from recruitment and training,to their' deployment as unarmed soldiers in non-combatant duties in various units. This dissertatiQn uses both oral and archival sources to comment upon,and analyze the responses of black members of the Union Defence Force to their service in the war.These responses are at times complementary, and at Other times Contradictory but one general conclusion to be drawn from them, is that black soldiers felt their contribution to the south African war effort had gone large1y unrecognised, either in remunerative or socio-political terms. Black servicemen were not only discriminated against by both the state and individual whites in the Union Defence Force, they were also used inefficiencly in a military context. The views of certain white soldiers have been used to illustrate this, both from a contemporary perspective and a historical one. The hasty formation of the Corps in which blacks served; the Non-European Army Services, its administrative weaknesses, and occasional disunity in its leadership, also hampered the effective use of black servicemen in the war.

Les campagnes militaires de Philippe II et d’Alexandre le Grand ont bouleversé les équilibres politiques et militaires du monde grec classique. En développant une pensée militaire fondée sur la coordination des armes et non sur le primat de l’infanterie, ils ont donné à la cavalerie une importance tactique qu’elle n’avait pas dans les armées civiques de la période classique. L’épopée d’Alexandre représente, à cet égard, une aventure collective de dizaines de milliers d’hommes et de chevaux. Elle initie une conception de la guerre dans laquelle les chevaux sont des acteurs incontournables, infléchissant la stratégie, la tactique et la logistique de campagne. Dès lors, la production, la formation et la remonte des chevaux de guerre constituent des enjeux primordiaux de la construction des royaumes hellénistiques, car les dynasties des successeurs d’Alexandre se sont constamment préoccupées d’entretenir de cavaleries puissantes.Dans cette aventure cavalière, les cités emboitent le pas aux royaumes hellénistiques avec les ressources dont elles disposent, réformant leurs cavaleries ou en constituant de nouvelles, souvent dans une perspective fédérale leur permettant de nourrir de plus grandes ambitions militaires. Cela implique de trouver des chevaux, mais aussi des hommes capables de les monter et de les entretenir. Le consensus social établi entre les autorités civiques et les élites cavalières – une « classe d’écuyers » loin d’être homogène – diffère fortement d’une cité à l’autre en fonction de la culture équestre locale, c’est-à-dire des usages, pratiques et représentations des hommes de cheval dans le cadre – politique, économique et social – de la communauté civique à laquelle ils appartiennent. Les cultures équestres régionales ont donc en partie déterminé la capacité des cités à développer leurs cavaleries, mais, en retour, les mutations politiques et militaires de l’époque hellénistique ont considérablement influencé la culture équestre des élites en en renouvelant les pratiques – du prestige de l’hippotrophia aux réalités de l’équitation militaire – et en l’associant plus fortement qu’avant aux destinées politiques de la cité, à ses valeurs et à son système de représentation. / The military campaigns of Philip II and Alexander the Great upset the political and military balance of the classical Greek world. By developing a military way of thinking based on the coordination of arms and not on the primacy of the infantry, they gave the cavalry unprecedented tactical importance compared to other civil armies in the classical period. Alexander the Great's epic is, in this respect, a collective adventure of tens of thousands of men and horses. It introduced a conception of war in which horses were key players, bending strategy, tactics and campaign logistics. From then on, the production, training and upbringing of war horses became primordial issues in the construction of the Hellenistic kingdoms, because Alexander's successors' dynasties were constantly concerned with maintaining a powerful cavalry.In this equestrian adventure, the cities followed in the Hellenistic kingdoms' footsteps with the resources available to them: they reformed the cavalry or created new units, often in a federal perspective allowing them to feed greater military ambitions. This involved finding horses, but also men to mount and care for them. The social consensus established between the civic authorities and the cavalier elites - a far from homogeneous "squire class" - which differed greatly from one city to another depending on the local equestrian culture, i.e. the uses, practices and representations of horsemen in the political, economic and social context of the civic community to which they belonged. Regional equestrian cultures thus partly determined the capacity of cities to develop their cavalry, but, in return, the political and military changes of the Hellenistic period considerably influenced the elite's equestrian culture by renewing its practices - from the prestige of hippotrophia to the realities of military riding - and associating it more strongly than before with the political destinies of the city, its values and its system of representation.

Esta pesquisa analisa os recentes processos de caráter geopolítico que vêm ocorrendo na Amazônia brasileira e confere especial ao papel desempenhado pelas Forças Armadas nas áreas fronteiriças desta região. A argumentação que desenvolvemos volta seu foco para a atuação dos Pelotões Especiais de Fronteira, no contexto sócioeconômico e político de Roraima, no período que vai desde sua implantação do Território Federal, acontecida nos anos de 1940, até os dias atuais. Para que possamos traçar a contento esse panorama, investigamos mais detidamente as políticas de governo estabelecidas após os anos 60, quando as unidades militares assumiram papel central na transformação deste território, definido como estratégico para os eventos que estavam ocorrendo no País e no subcontinente sul americano. Assim, tivemos que dar ênfase a alguns fatos e eventos importantes para podermos demonstrar o papel específico que as Forças Armadas, notadamente, o Exército e a Aeronáutica, desempenharam no cotidiano de Roraima, através de suas ações, de seu ethos, e da atuação da administração direta dos oficiais da Aeronáutica, durante o regime militar. Os resultados que obtivemos nos permitiram constatar que a organização do espaço social de Roraima continua a ser pensada e concebida a milhas de distância deste espaço. Prova disso é que as Forças Armadas ainda desempenham importante papel no Estado, apesar do seu distanciamento corporativo e do antagonismo em conciliar a hierarquia militar com a gestão participativa, base do discurso hegemônico, desde os anos 90. A investigação nos permitiu concluir que as Forças Armadas ainda desfrutam de status e desempenham um papel ainda muito importante na Amazônia. Pode-se a isso acrescentar que, no momento, elas protagonizam um novo e importante papel, que se consubstancia por meio dos Pelotões Especiais de Fronteira/PEF, bem como de outros mecanismos, recentes implantados em áreas importantes à soberania do País, agora também tornadas relevantes pelos seus aspectos ambientais, étnicos e culturais. / This research analyses recent processes of political feature that are happening in the Brazilian Amazon, with emphasis to the role of the Armed Forces in border areas of this region. Our argumentation focused on the performance of the Border Special Platoons, in the socio-economic and political context of Roraima, since the foundation of the Federal Territory, in the 1940s. We concentrated, however, on policies established after the 1960s, when military unities start to play central role in the transformation of this territory, defined as strategic for events that were happening in the country and in the South American subcontinent. We retrieved some facts and events in order to demonstrate the specific role that the Armed Forces, especially, the Army and the Air Force have played in Roraima everyday life, through their activities, their ethos, and the direct administration of officials belonging to the Air Force, during the military regime. We found out that the organization of the Roraima social space continues to be conceived from miles away of this space, so much so that the Armed Forces still play important role in the Roraima State, despite its corporative distance, and the antagonism in conciliating the military hierarchy, with the participative administration, since the 1990s. We concluded that the Armed Forces, with a widened role in the Amazon, represent a new moment through Border Special Platoons/BSP and others recent mechanisms, in important areas to the sovereignty of the country, now also relevant for their environmental, ethnic and cultural aspects.

A necessidade de contornar o problema da falta de contingente no interior do exército brasileiro no momento posterior à emancipação política levou à incorporação de estrangeiros durante o primeiro reinado. Para tanto, o governo imperial arregimentou alemães e irlandeses para servirem como soldados a fim de fortalecer as tropas no conflito que se agravava na região da Cisplatina. Em 1827, quando desembarcaram os primeiros irlandeses no Rio de Janeiro, estes estrangeiros recusaram-se a servir como mercenários, afirmando terem sido contratados como colonos. A demorada resolução desta questão e a tensa relação vivida no cotidiano destes imigrantes, agravando a já grave situação das tropas alemãs aquarteladas na cidade, levaram a diversos conflitos que tiveram seu cume na revolta das tropas em junho de 1828. Esse evento particular permite compreender como o Estado Nacional brasileiro no momento de sua conturbada instauração, passava em seu processo de consolidação administrativa por um momento delicado, pois, ao mesmo tempo em que era necessário garantir a manutenção territorial, era imprescindível definir os requisitos mínimos para a formação da futura nação, e de quem poderia ou não ter o direito de pertencer a ela. / The need to solve the problem of lack of men in the Brazilian army after the political emancipation led to the incorporation of foreigners during the first reign. Thus, the imperial government regimented Germans and Irish to serve as soldiers in order to strengthen the troops in the conflict that worsened in the region of Cisplatin. In 1827, when the first Irish landed in Rio de Janeiro, these foreigners refused to serve as mercenaries, claiming they had been hired as settlers. The delayed resolution of this issue and the tense relationship of these immigrants in the daily life, exacerbating the already serious situation of German troops stationed in the city, led to several conflicts that eventually lead to the uprising of troops in June 1828. This particular event provides insight into how the Brazilian National State during the disturbing period of formation passed in its process of administrative consolidation by a delicate moment, at same time that was necessary ensure the maintenance of its territory, was essential to define the minimum requirements for the formation of the future nation, and who might or might not have the right to belong to it.

Esta pesquisa parte de um problema colocado em relação ao Império brasileiro, o emprego da violência armada nas relações políticas. De fato, chama atenção na vida política brasileira, num extenso período que pode abranger de meados do século XVIII à primeira metade do século XX, a recorrência de conflitos armados. A violência física era recurso nas disputas por poder no governo do país governo geral na América Portuguesa, governo central no Império, governo federal na República nas lutas entre setores das elites regionais pela condução dos governos provinciais, depois estaduais e no controle de municípios pelas lideranças locais. Ela ocorria, inclusive, nas eleições, justamente nos eventos concebidos para um exercício não violento de escolhas políticas. A formação do Estado brasileiro é a problemática mais ampla à qual se refere a pesquisa. A questão do estado se coloca, pois era relevante para sua sustentação levar em consideração uma característica da sociedade da qual emergia: o emprego generalizado da violência armada na vida social e política. Pode-se dizer da sociedade que vinha se formando desde o início da colonização que se tratava de uma sociedade armada, isto é, uma sociedade com capacidade para obter e empregar armas independentemente das instâncias governamentais. Era a força desta sociedade o maior obstáculo para o estabelecimento do monopólio estatal das armas e a constituição de uma reserva operacional de homens. O que a existência e a força desta sociedade colocam como problema a ser estudado é o exercício do poder por meio da coerção física como forma de solucionar conflitos de interesses e como forma de sustentar o estado ou contestá-lo. Observando-se a sociedade armada por este ângulo da materialidade do exercício do poder, o que se afirma como um dos principais problemas para uma força política que deve constituir seus recursos de coerção física contra adversários é a apropriação das capacidades físicas de homens para fins bélicos. Era preciso desenvolver ações e procedimentos regulares para reunir homens, obter obediência deles e fazê-los lutar. Formar um grupo armado ou uma tropa militar era fundamental para as forças políticas. Elas desenvolviam o que se podem denominar Modos de Atuação Armada. A pesquisa propõe o estudo de três deles. Um Modo Militar de Atuação Armada que foi desenvolvido pelo estado para constituir suas forças armadas e que no Brasil começou a ser aplicado com a legislação militar portuguesa no período colonial. Um Modo Senhorial de Atuação Armada, que pode ser assim denominado porque foi desenvolvido pelo segmento dos senhores para formar seus grupos armados e que se aproveitava da aprendizagem doméstica ou comunitária dos homens para lutar e empregar armas, sem fornecer treinamento para eles. A hipótese que será examinada nesta pesquisa é que a constituição das forças armadas do Estado brasileiro no período imperial não se dava apenas com o desenvolvimento de um modo militar de atuação armada. O estado não adquiria capacidade de atuação armada apenas com seus recursos exclusivos, ele lançava mão dos senhores e das forças que eles organizavam. O estado se armava por meio das relações que se estabeleciam entre os dois modos de atuação armada, o militar e o senhorial, ele dependia da combinação de ambos. O que vigorava no Exército brasileiro era um Modo Dependente de Atuação Armada. / This research starts of a problem put about brazilian Empire, the use of armed violence in political relations. In fact, draws attention in the Brazilian political life the recurrence of armed conflicts. Physical violence was feature in disputes over power in the country\'s government - general government in Portuguese America, central government in the Empire, the federal government in the Republic and the provincial and local governments. The formation of the Brazilian State is the broader issue to which it relates to research. The question arises of the state because it was relevant to their support take into account a characteristic of society which emerged: the widespread use of armed violence in social and political life. Can be said of society that had been forming since the beginning of colonization it was an armed society, i.e., a society with the ability to obtain and use weapons regardless of the government. Was the strength of this society the greatest obstacle to the establishment of the state monopoly of weapons and the establishment of an operating reserve of men. Observing armed society from this perspective of the materiality of the exercise of power, which is stated as a major problem for a political force that its resources should be physical coercion against opponents is the appropriation of the physical abilities of men for war purposes. It was necessary to develop actions and regular procedures to meet men, get their obedience and make them fight. Forming an armed group or a military troop was central to the political forces. They developed what may be called Modos de Atuação Armada. The research aims to study three of them. A Modo Militar de Atuação Armada which was developed by the state to provide its armed forces and in Brazil began to be applied by the Portuguese military law in the colonial period. A Modo Senhorial de Atuação Armada, which can be so called because it was developed by the thread of their masters to form armed groups who took advantage of the home learning or community of men to fight and use weapons without providing training for them. The hypothesis which will be examined in this research is that the constitution of the armed forces of the Brazilian state in the imperial period did not occur only with the development of a military mode of armed action. The state acquired the ability to not only armed action with its unique features, he threw hand of lords and the forces they organized. The state was brewing through the relationships that are established between the two modes of armed action, military and master, he depended on the combination of both. What prevailed in the Brazilian Army was a Modo Dependente de Atuação Armada.

L’armée et la religion sont deux institutions dans lesquelles s’exerce la violence symbolique. Les femmes militaires comme la plupart des agents sociaux pratiquent la religion d’une part sur le plan individuel avec la subjectivité de leur rapport au religieux et d’autre part sur le plan collectif avec les pratiques cultuelles institutionnelles. Ce travail a pour but d’analyser l’utilisation du dispositif religieux ou le recours au religieux par les femmes militaires pour faire face à la violence symbolique. Nous avons choisi une démarche socio anthropologique adossée sur une perspective historique pour évaluer les incidences, les mutations ainsi que les ruptures d’une institution qui est présentée comme misogyne. Les analyses ont été produites à partir des enquêtes qualitatives et quantitatives sur le terrain principal que constitue la France notamment dans deux camps militaires de la région Rhône-Alpes au sein de trois régiments, et secondairement la Grande-Bretagne. Après un détour historique sur les enjeux de la féminisation des armées, nous axons notre étude sur les rapports entre les femmes militaires et le religieux. La subjectivité religieuse et les pratiques cultuelles institutionnelles des femmes militaires ont permis de mettre en exergue les ruptures ainsi que le simulacre des mutations des armées à l’égard de la gent féminine notamment en leur imposant une sorte de douane ou péage d’intégration. / The Army and religion are two institutions in which symbolic violence is exerted. Military women, like most other social agents practise religion. At the individual level, their religious practice is intertwined with the subjectivity of their own rapport with religion whereas, at the collective level, this religious practice stems from their cultural and institutional norms. This doctoral thesis aims to analyse the use of the religious device or religious recourse by military women in order to tackle symbolic violence. We have chosen a socio anthropological approach backed by a historical perspective to assess implications, mutations and « divides » of an institution that is presented as misogynist. Analyses were based on qualitative and quantitative surveys on the research field in France specifically in two military camps in the Region Rhône Alpes within two regiments and secondarily Great Britain. Religious subjectivity and cultural institutional practices of military women helped to highlight/stress the divides as well as the sham related to the mutations military women imposing on them a kind of a « cost » which compell military women to « bear the cost » of professional integration.

L'expansion de la cité romaine en Italie puis en Méditerranée, du début du Ve à la fin du lue siècle avant J.-C., se traduit par la conclusion d'un nombre toujours croissant d'alliances militaires avec des communautés qui demeurent cependant formellement indépendantes. Ce type de relation, que les Latins qualifient avec le terme de "societas", est classiquement décrit comme un des instruments de l'affirmation de l'hégémonie de l'"Urbs" puisqu'il lui permet de mobiliser les forces de ses partenaires. Pourtant, dans les représentations que lui associent les parties, les principes de parité et de réciprocité occupent toujours une grande place. C'est ce que révèle l'analyse des conditions politiques et diplomatiques de leur négociation, des formes d'accord qui en sanctionnent la conclusion, en particulier le "foedus sociale", mais aussi des manifestations diplomatiques auxquelles elles donnent lieu. L'alliance implique en effet la reconnaissance de chacune des parties en tant que communauté maîtresse de ses forces militaires, et les engage à se porter mutuellement secours. L'histoire des relations que Rome noue d'abord avec les Latins au Ve siècle grâce au "foedus Cassianum", puis avec beaucoup d'autres peuples italiens et ultra-marins, montre que le devoir de défense est au fondement de la collaboration militaire. Aussi les Romains en font-ils rapidement un thème de propagande, en particulier grâce à l'affirmation d'une Italia dont ils se présentent comme les meilleurs protecteurs au IIIe siècle. Mais leurs partenaires, péninsulaires comme extra­ péninsulaires, manifestent toujours un vif attachement aux idéaux habituellement associés à l'alliance militaire. La seconde guerre punique révèle clairement ce conflit d'interprétation et met sérieusement en danger le système d'alliances des Romains. Seule la victoire qu'ils remportent difficilement sur Carthage leur donne les moyens de devenir définitivement maîtres de la définition de cette relation. / The expansion of the Roman city in Italy and later in the Mediterranean, from the early 5th to the late 3rd century BC, results in a growing number of military alliances with various communities which nonetheless remain independent. This specific union - called "societas" by the Latin people - is traditionally referred to as one of the tools used by the Urbs to assert its supremacy, insofar as it allows the rallying of its partners' forces. However the representations on both sides keep parity and reciprocity as principles of paramount importance. Such is revealed by the observation of not only the political and diplomatic conditions of their negotiations, but also of the terms which seal the agreements - even more so regarding the "foedus sociale" - and of the diplomatic events they lead to. The alliance indeed specifies that each signatory shall be recognized as a community with its own military forces, and commits them to provide mutual assistance. The study of the relations which Rome established - first with the Latins in the 5th century through the "foedus Cassianum", and later with many Italian or peoples overseas - points at the duty of defence being the core of military cooperation. Hence the Romans using it as a figment of propaganda, such as the affirmation of them being the most trustworthy guardians of the 3rd century Italia. However both extra and peninsular partners still express a vivid concern regarding the ideals which are usually associated the military alliances. The Second Punic war clearly highlights this ideological bone of contention, and seriously jeopardizes the Roman system of alliances. It is only their hard-won victory over Carthage that allows them to rule over the terms of this relation.