Enquanto os estudos internacionais têm demonstrado uma grande preocupação em pesquisar a capacidade dos candidatos de influenciar a formação da agenda dos meios de comunicação de massa em épocas eleitorais, no Brasil a agenda das candidaturas não foi incorporada aos trabalhos acadêmicos de mídia e eleições. Neste estudo tive como objetivo avaliar a importância da agenda da propaganda dos candidatos para a formação da agenda da cobertura dos telejornais na eleição presidencial de 2002, bem como a relevância do programa de governo do PT para a elaboração da agenda da propaganda de seu candidato, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, nessa mesma eleição. Os dados mostraram que as candidaturas Lula e Serra conseguiram transferir para suas coberturas eleitorais do Jornal Nacional e Jornal da Record a ênfase dos assuntos discutidos em suas propagandas de televisão. Demonstraram também que o PT obteve êxito em transmitir para a propaganda de televisão da candidatura Lula a saliência da pauta discutida em sua plataforma. Com base nesses resultados, conclui que os candidatos influenciaram a agenda dos telejornais e que o PT, em particular, também cumpriu a função de agenda-setting, agendando os assuntos da propaganda da candidatura Lula na televisão. / While the international studies have shown a great concern with the study of the candidate\'s capacity to influence the formation of the mass media agenda during the electoral campaign period, in Brazil, the candidate\'s agenda has not been included in the academic studies of media and elections. In this study, my objective was to evaluate the candidates importance for the formation of the TV news coverage agenda on the presidential election in 2002, as well as the relevance of the PT for the elaboration of the advertising his candidate, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, in that same election. The data showed that both Lula and Serra succeeded in transferring to their electoral coverings of the \"Jornal Nacional\" and \"Jornal da Record\" the themes and issues discussed in their TV ads. The data also showed that the PT had success in transmitting to Lula\'s TV ads the salient themes presented by the party\'s program. The evidence I provided allowed me to conclude that the candidates influenced the new\'s agenda and that the PT, in particular, also fulfilled the function of agenda setting, by effectively influencing the content of its candidate\'s campaign on TV.

In the 21st century, water scarcity due to pollution, increasing demand and mismanagement has become a global phenomenon of growing concern. Often depicted in media reports, endorsed by global summits - such as the recent \"Rio+20\" Conference in 2012 in Brazil - and campaigned for by NGOs all over the world, freshwater issues play an important role within bigger debates on global environmental issues. Despite a clear increase in the intensity and scope of these issues over the last decades, they are not novel as such and have a history. This Ph.D. thesis analyzes the emergence and evolution of the freshwater topic on the international agenda since the early 1970s, when the first international freshwater-related conferences and conventions took place. In order to explain this genesis and evolution, the freshwater topic is situated within the broader international environmental agenda and is connected with International Relations scholarship on agenda-setting as well as international regimes. Subsequently, the empirical freshwater conventions and conference data is analyzed through these theoretical lenses, showing that the freshwater issue is in fact an umbrella topic which can be further subdivided into smaller water-related topics. The treatment of these sub-topics has led to conventions in two cases (wetlands and international watercourses) which are taken to be regimes in their own right, whereas others have so far remained limited to international conferences and events (sanitation, access to potable water etc.). Rather than seeing these as unconnected, individual regimes and conferences as has been done within contemporary scholarship, it will be argued that these in fact represent sub-regimes and parts of a bigger freshwater regime complex. Moreover, it will be argued that the origins of this regime complex are not due to specific countries´ deliberate aims of constructing international institutional overlap to subsequently explore forum-shopping opportunities to their advantage but, rather, that developments in this issue-area unintentionally resulted in this overlap for functional reasons. / No século 21, a escassez hídrica devido a causas como poluição, crescente demanda e má administração tem se tornado um fenômeno cada vez mais preocupante. Os recursos de água doce possuem um papel importante nos debates mais amplos sobre o meio ambiente, figuram frequentemente nas reportagens da mídia, são endossados nas cúpulas globais - tais como a recente \"Rio+20\" em 2012 no Brasil - e são o foco de campanhas de ONGs no mundo inteiro. Apesar de um crescimento evidente na intensidade e no escopo dessas questões nas últimas décadas, elas não são novas, mas sim integram um processo histórico. Esta tese de doutorado analisa a emergência e evolução do tema da água doce na agenda internacional a partir do início dos anos 1970, quando tiveram lugar as primeiras conferências e convenções relacionadas com essa questão. Com o intuito de explicar esta gênese e evolução, o tema da água doce está situado dentro da agenda ambiental mais ampla e se conecta com a literatura de relações internacionais sobre agenda-setting e regimes internacionais. Subsequentemente, os dados empíricos das convenções e conferências de água são analisados por meio dessas lentes teóricas, o que mostra que a temática hídrica é de fato um tópico guarda-chuva, que pode ser subdivido ainda em temas menores com relação à água. O tratamento desses subtemas tem levado a convenções em dois casos (zonas úmidas e cursos d\'água internacionais), que são percebidos como regimes próprios, quando outros têm ficado limitados até agora a conferências internacionais e meros eventos (saneamento, acesso à água potável etc.). Em vez de ver estes como regimes e conferências individuais e isolados, como tem sido feito na literatura contemporânea, argumentar-se-á que eles de fato representam subregimes e partes de um complexo de regime de água doce mais amplo. Além disso, argumentar-se-á que as origens desse complexo de regime não se devem a objetivos conscientes de certos países com o fim de construir uma sobreposição institucional para subsequentemente explorar oportunidades de fórum-shopping; mas bem os desdobramentos nessa área resultaram nessa sobreposição por razões funcionais, de forma não intencional.

Seit 2002 wird das Standardkosten-Modell (SKM) als Ansatz zur Messung von Bürokratiekosten in einer Vielzahl von OECD-Ländern, darunter Deutschland und Großbritannien, angewendet. Im Zentrum dieser Arbeit steht die Frage, warum im Regulierungsreform-Nachzüglerland Deutschland die Ausweitung des Ansatzes auf den Bereich Bürger seit Jahren auf der politischen Agenda steht und bereits erste Schritte zur Umsetzung unternommen wurden, während SKM Bürger im Regulierungsreform-Vorreiterland Großbritannien scheinbar nie auf der Agenda stand. In Anlehnung an einen von Kingdon entwickelten Agenda-Setting-Ansatz werden Unterschiede im Bereich der Problemwahrnehmung, in der Bewertung der Policy SKM sowie im politischen Entstehungsprozess untersucht. Hierbei zeigt sich, dass hinsichtlich der Wahrnehmung des Problems der Bürokratiebelastung signifikante Unterschiede zwischen Deutschland und Großbritannien bestehen, die sich vor allem auf die in Deutschland höhere Intensität der Problemwahrnehmung beziehen. Weitere Unterschiede bestehen bezüglich der Bewertung der Policy SKM, die in Deutschland eine höhere Medienaufmerksamkeit erhält und allgemein positiver bewertet wird. Auch der Entstehungsprozess des SKM, der in Deutschland wesentlich stärker politisiert war als in Großbritannien, trägt zur Erklärung der beobachteten Unterschiede im Agenda-Setting bei. / Since 2002 the Standard Cost Model (SCM) has been used for the measurement of administrative burdens in several OECD countries, among them Germany and the UK. The central question explored in this article is why in the regulatory reform “laggard country” Germany the application of the SCM at the citizen level has been on the political agenda for several years, with the first steps already taken towards implementation, while in the regulatory reform “leader country” UK, the use of the SCM for the measurement of citizens’ administrative burdens has apparently never been on the agenda. Using an agenda setting model developed by Kingdon, differences in the areas of problem perception, assessment of the SCM as a policy, and the political introduction process of the policy are investigated. It is shown that regarding the perception of the problem of bureaucracy significant differences between Germany and the UK exist, in particular relating to the higher intensity of problem perception in Germany. Additional differences are identified regarding the assessment of the SCM policy which has received more media coverage in Germany and is also generally more positively received there. Differences identified in the introduction process, which in Germany has been much more politicised than in the UK, constitute additional explanatory factors.

This study intends to examine the impact of a well known debate page in one of Sweden’s biggest newspapers, Dagens Nyheter. We have done this by analysing Ekot, Aktuellt, Göteborgs Posten and Västerbottens-Kuriren to see to what extent they “take” news from the debate page. The method used was content analysis and to describe some of our thoughts about how we placed the hits in different categories we chose eight of our hits to exemplify. The material from the newspapers, radio and television was examined to discover the potential impact from the debate page. To carry out this study we have mainly used theories about how media get influenced by each other’s news and how they do follow-ups and refer to the original media. Other theories of importance for our study are for example those about what kinds of events that become news and how media influences people’s thoughts about what’s important. One of the most important conclusions we were able to draw after carrying out our study was that the debate page in Dagens Nyheter has quite a small impact on what our chosen media reported on. The biggest impact was found in the newspapers, whereas radio and television very seldom referred to the debate page. To sum up, one can absolutely say that the debate page in Dagens Nyheter is powerful and do have impact on other media, but an article published on the page is not automatically discussed and debated in other media during the day.

The purpose of this research is to study how the UNDP offices in Stockholm and New York are using Facebook to set the agenda regarding the Millennium Development Goals, but also how the offices are communicating and presenting the goals towards the public. The research is based on publications from the two Facebook groups “millenniemålen – åtta mål för en bättre värld” and “United Nations Development Programme – UNDP” published between November 2011 until April 2012. The publications were categorized and analyzed using content analysis, a method that allows categorization of data which enables me to compare the two offices publications rate but also the amount of publications according to which MDG to be in focus. Text analysis of 24 publications allowed me to detect a pattern as well as analysis the two way communication occurring. The text analysis provides an understanding of the how the organizations are working with setting the agenda of the Millennium Development Goals, but also how a relationship is created through communication. The theoretical standpoint for the thesis draws on agenda-setting, strategic communication and Public Relations, also referred to as PR, as the two offices are working with awareness towards the public - a work that need a creation of relationship to the audience. This study shows that the two offices are communicating the Millennium Development Goals differently towards the public, with different results. The New York office are interacting with its followers on Facebook, directing the readers to engage in the set topics through questions and statements and creating dialogues organization to reader but also reader to reader. The UNDP Stockholm is using Facebook as a gateway to their webpage, where information is presented as a news article with little or none chance for the reader to comply. The setting of the agenda is done through the publications, but the publications lack the tools showing if the agenda have been embraced by the readers. / Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur UNDP kontoren i Stockholm och New York använder Facebook för att sätta agendan på millenniemålen, men även visa hur kontoren kommunicerar och presenterar målen till besökarna/följarna av sidorna. Undersökningen är baserad på publikationer gjorda på de två kontorens Facebook sidor “millenniemålen – åtta mål för en bättre värld” och “United Nations Development Programme – UNDP” under tidsperioden november 2011 till april 2012. Publikationerna blev kategoriserade och analyserade med hjälp av innehållsanalys, en metod som genom sin kategoriseringsprocess möjliggör jämförelse mellan de två kontorens sätt att sätta agendan och arbeta med publiken, men även nödvändig information som millenniemål i fokus i enskilda publikationer. Text analys applicerades på 24 publikationer för att mer djupgående förstå hur de två kontoren jobbar för att skapa dialog samt en relation till läsarna genom den satta agendan. Hur UNDP kontoren adresserar läsarna samt överbyggande teman för texterna blev synliga genom denna analys metod. Som teoretisk grund använder jag ”agenda-setting”, strategisk kommunikation samt Public Relations, också refererad till som PR. Båda kontoren har till uppgift att uppmärksamma allmänheten på UNDPs agenda, en uppgift som innebär relationsskapande till sin publik. Resultatet visar att de två kontoren skiljer sig åt när det gäller att kommunicera millenniemålen. New York kontorets interagerande med sin publik genom Facebook, där de skapar dialog kring ett satt ämne mellan organisationen och publiken, men även mellan publiken själv, visar på en fungerande strategi att skapa intresse kring målen. Interaktionen visar även att publiken engagerar sig i de publikationerna som blivit gjorda, med andra ord den agendan som blivit satt. UNDP Stockholm använder Facebook som en ”gateway” till sin hemsida, där informationen blir presenterad som en nyhetsartikel med få inbjudningar till dialog eller chans att respondera . Även om agendan är tydlig i texterna, finns det inga bevis på att läsarna är mottagliga för den.

Globalizacijos ir sparčios kaitos laikais Lietuvos šeima išgyvena daug pokyčių, kalbama apie jos krizę ir destabilizaciją. Kadangi žiniasklaida yra tapusi svarbiu socializacijos faktoriumi, tai jos vaidmuo platinant suvokimą apie šeimą ir konstruojant šeimos bei partnerystės reikšmes atlieka lemiamą vaidmenį kuriant socialinius simbolius bei reikšmes. Šiame darbe siekta atskleisti spaudos perduodamuose pranešimuose konstruojamus šeimos modelius ir lyčių vaidmenis šeimoje. Teorinėje darbo dalyje taikant literatūros šaltinių analizę aptarta, kokia yra žiniasklaidos ir socialinio pasaulio sąveika, kokią įtaką žiniasklaida turi socialinės tikrovės konstravime. Įvardinta šeimos, jos formų samprata, pristatytos pagrindinės jai kylančias grėsmės. Darbe naudojamos socialinio konstruktyvizmo ir darbotvarkės nustatymo (agenda-setting) teorijos, nes jos siejasi tarpusavyje. Abi pabrėžia objektyvios tikrovės svarbą ir tai, kad tam tikrų problemų struktūravimas ne visada atspindi tikrovę. Kadangi žiniasklaida yra vienas svarbiausių šeimos modelių konstravimo įrankių, tai buvo atlikta dviejų Lietuvos dienraščių – „Lietuvos rytas“, „Vakaro žinios“ ir vieno regioninio laikraščio „Tauragės kurjeris“ publikacijų šeimos tema turinio analizė. Tyrimui buvo atrinkti 2007 m. liepos-gruodžio mėn. nacionaliniuose dienraščiuose publikuoti 918 straipsnių ir 150 straipsnių, publikuotų „Tauragės kurjeryje“ visais 2007 metų mėnesiais. Atlikus tyrimą išryškėja, kad vyro ir moters santuoka grįsta šeima... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / During the globalization and rapid alternation times, Lithuanian family experiences a lot of changes, there is discussed its crisis and destabilization. Due to the fact that the mass media has become a very significant factor of socialization, its role while spreading the comprehension concerning a family as well as constructing the meanings of a family or partnership, are crucial while designing social symbols and meanings. In the following work there has been sought to reveal the constructed model of a family and roles of genders in a family that are communicated in the press publications. In the theoretic part, while applying the analysis of the literature resources there has been discussed what the interaction of the mass media and social world is as well as what the impact of the mass media on the construction of the social reality is. There is enumerated the concept of a family and its forms and there are introduced basic threats that arise to it. In the paper there applied the theories of social constructivism and agenda-setting, because they are interconnected. Both theories define the significance of the objective reality and the fact that the structuring of the certain issues in the mass media does not always reveal the reality. Whereas the mass media is one of the most important tools fro the formation of family models, there has been carried out the contents analysis of the publications under the family issue in two Lithuanian daily newspapers – ‘Lietuvos rytas’... [to full text]

<p>This study intends to examine the impact of a well known debate page in one of Sweden’s biggest newspapers, Dagens Nyheter. We have done this by analysing Ekot, Aktuellt, Göteborgs Posten and Västerbottens-Kuriren to see to what extent they “take” news from the debate page.</p><p>The method used was content analysis and to describe some of our thoughts about how we placed the hits in different categories we chose eight of our hits to exemplify.</p><p>The material from the newspapers, radio and television was examined to discover the potential impact from the debate page.</p><p>To carry out this study we have mainly used theories about how media get influenced by each other’s news and how they do follow-ups and refer to the original media. Other theories of importance for our study are for example those about what kinds of events that become news and how media influences people’s thoughts about what’s important.</p><p>One of the most important conclusions we were able to draw after carrying out our study was that the debate page in Dagens Nyheter has quite a small impact on what our chosen media reported on. The biggest impact was found in the newspapers, whereas radio and television very seldom referred to the debate page.</p><p>To sum up, one can absolutely say that the debate page in Dagens Nyheter is powerful and do have impact on other media, but an article published on the page is not automatically discussed and debated in other media during the day.</p>

This paper aims to examine the different perspectives that emerged during the debate surrounding the right-wing newspaper “Nya Tider” and their participation at the Swedish bookfair in Gothenburg back in 2017. The study relies on the theoretical foundation that is known as Spiral of Silence and Agenda-Setting. But is examined and operationalized by the historical perspective given by John Durham Peters in his book “courting the abyss”. Peters portrays in his book a variety of different takes on the free speech phenomenon. The study’s aim was then to see if similar perspective were protruding now as it has before.A research question regarding what perspective were protruding in the debate that followed “Nya Tider” and their announcement that they were going to attend the bookfair once again where therefore coined. The direct translation of this questions is “What perspective of where the limit of free speech should be drawn is present in the Swedish media outlet regarding the debate of “Nya Tider” participation at the book fair in Gothenburg 2017.In order to examine what perspective protruded in the debate the approach of a qualitative content analysis was deemed the best way to examine the phenomenon. A total of (n) 36 articles were systematically analyzed and a total of 4 perspectives where formed, the liberal, the absolutistic libertarian, the opponent perspective and the victim perspective. Each one different from each other. The study also examined the level occurrence of the different perspective and found that in 18 out of the 36 article’s the opponent perspective where present, whereas the absolutistic libertarian perspective only occurs in 4 out of the 36 articles’. A big difference where therefor found in what coverage the different perspectives were given in the Swedish news outlets.In a time where political censorship is at a rise around Europe with the implementation of laws that prevent people from speaking their minds. Or compelling them to address people a certain way, not by choice but by legislation, the need to examine what perspectives are occurring in our media might for the uneducated seem like a vague way to approach a complicated matter.But Agenda-Setting research has shown that the media agenda affects both the public agenda as well as the legislative part of our society. Therefore, a lack of occurrence of certain perspectives can also affect what laws are put in place. It is therefore imperative to examine what sort of perspective occurs in the Swedish debate to prevent an infraction of the Swedish free speech law, and to keep Sweden a free, secular society.

Enquanto os estudos internacionais têm demonstrado uma grande preocupação em pesquisar a capacidade dos candidatos de influenciar a formação da agenda dos meios de comunicação de massa em épocas eleitorais, no Brasil a agenda das candidaturas não foi incorporada aos trabalhos acadêmicos de mídia e eleições. Neste estudo tive como objetivo avaliar a importância da agenda da propaganda dos candidatos para a formação da agenda da cobertura dos telejornais na eleição presidencial de 2002, bem como a relevância do programa de governo do PT para a elaboração da agenda da propaganda de seu candidato, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, nessa mesma eleição. Os dados mostraram que as candidaturas Lula e Serra conseguiram transferir para suas coberturas eleitorais do Jornal Nacional e Jornal da Record a ênfase dos assuntos discutidos em suas propagandas de televisão. Demonstraram também que o PT obteve êxito em transmitir para a propaganda de televisão da candidatura Lula a saliência da pauta discutida em sua plataforma. Com base nesses resultados, conclui que os candidatos influenciaram a agenda dos telejornais e que o PT, em particular, também cumpriu a função de agenda-setting, agendando os assuntos da propaganda da candidatura Lula na televisão. / While the international studies have shown a great concern with the study of the candidate\'s capacity to influence the formation of the mass media agenda during the electoral campaign period, in Brazil, the candidate\'s agenda has not been included in the academic studies of media and elections. In this study, my objective was to evaluate the candidates importance for the formation of the TV news coverage agenda on the presidential election in 2002, as well as the relevance of the PT for the elaboration of the advertising his candidate, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, in that same election. The data showed that both Lula and Serra succeeded in transferring to their electoral coverings of the \"Jornal Nacional\" and \"Jornal da Record\" the themes and issues discussed in their TV ads. The data also showed that the PT had success in transmitting to Lula\'s TV ads the salient themes presented by the party\'s program. The evidence I provided allowed me to conclude that the candidates influenced the new\'s agenda and that the PT, in particular, also fulfilled the function of agenda setting, by effectively influencing the content of its candidate\'s campaign on TV.

Submitted by Geyciane Santos (geyciane_thamires@hotmail.com) on 2015-11-27T21:50:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Luís Mansuêto Pereira Filho.pdf: 32099305 bytes, checksum: 37222d510a6df05ca3a4b928481f8cbf (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-12-01T19:41:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Luís Mansuêto Pereira Filho.pdf: 32099305 bytes, checksum: 37222d510a6df05ca3a4b928481f8cbf (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-12-01T20:04:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Luís Mansuêto Pereira Filho.pdf: 32099305 bytes, checksum: 37222d510a6df05ca3a4b928481f8cbf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-01T20:04:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Luís Mansuêto Pereira Filho.pdf: 32099305 bytes, checksum: 37222d510a6df05ca3a4b928481f8cbf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-05 / Não informada / This thesis aims to show how the economic capital (performativity) influence the migration of Science Discourse (SD) for the Science Communication Discourse (SCD). It was chosen the Discourse Analysis of French line methodology. The corpus was formed by four articles of trade magazine Superinteressante, for the months of January, February, March and May 2009. The period was randomly determined. We use the theory as a hypothesis of Agenda-Setting as influential in the process of migrating the SD for the SCD. We assume that news is a fact or an idea that interests a large number of readers as well as journalistic objectivity in the process of production of matter, that is, news is what journalists believe that interests the public. We verified that not everything that is being discussed by society migrate to SCD. We note that the performativity of news becomes one of main factors in this process, which can manifest through two ways. The first is by economic capital and the second by symbolic capital. The result is a change in formulation of Discourse on Science Communication. / Esta dissertação pretende mostrar como os capitais econômico (performatividade) e simbólico influenciam na migração do Discurso da Ciência (DC) para o Discurso da Divulgação Científica (DDC). Escolheu-se como metodologia a Análise do Discurso, de linha francesa. O corpus foi formado por quatro reportagens da revista comercial Superinteressante, referentes aos meses de janeiro, fevereiro, março e maio de 2009. O período foi determinado aleatoriamente. Utilizamos como hipótese a teoria do Agenda Setting como influenciadora do processo de migração do DC para o DDC. Partimos do pressuposto de que notícia é um fato ou uma ideia que interessa a um amplo número de leitores, bem como a objetividade jornalística no processo de produção da matéria. Isto é, notícia é o que os jornalistas acreditam que interessa ao público. Verificamos que nem tudo que está sendo discutido pela sociedade migrará para o DDC. Constatamos que a performatividade da notícia passa a ser um dos fatores principais desse processo, o qual pode se manifestar por meio de duas formas. A primeira é pelo capital econômico e a segunda pelo capital simbólico. O resultado é a alteração da formulação do Discurso da Divulgação Científica.