Este trabalho analisa a trajetória do Grupo Mulheres da Terra, cuja formação ocorreu na área II do Assentamento de Sumaré, no ano de 1985, no Estado de São Paulo. O grupo possui um percurso histórico de 22 anos, na perspectiva de conquistas sociais garantidas na Constituição aprovada em 1988 - terra, trabalho, moradia, educação, transporte, saúde e eqüidade nas relações de poder entre homens e mulheres. Estes foram temas que nortearam suas ações, que engendraram conquistas para todos os membros do assentamento. O percurso da pesquisa conduziu-nos ao encontro de vários atores sociais, envolvidos em diversas estratégias de resistência e circunscritos às ações de inúmeros mediadores sociais, empenhados na defesa da reforma agrária. Ao longo de duas décadas, inúmeros projetos foram desenvolvidos entre o Grupo Mulheres da Terra e os agentes mediadores. Muitos encontros e desencontros aconteceram pelo caminho. Para compreender o papel da trajetória do Grupo na história do assentamento e nas relações de gênero dentro do mesmo, como percurso de movimento social que se consagrava como espaço da luta pela terra, tomamos a História Oral de Vida das mulheres que participaram da trajetória do Grupo Mulheres da Terra da área II do assentamento de Sumaré como uma das fontes privilegiados de nosso estudo. / This work analyses the path of the Grupo Mulheres da Terra (Women of the Land), Which was initiated in area II in the Sumaré Settlement, in 1985, in São Paulo State. The group has a 22 year history of social achievements granted by the 1988 Constitution - land, work, housing, education, transportation, health care and equity in relationship between men and women. These themes have led their actions, which brought benefits for all members of the community, such as the school, electric energy, school transportation, artesian well, the family health care unit, retirement plan for women, the \"Esperança\" green house and the community kitchen. The pursuit of this research has presented us with several social actors, involved in different strategies and related to the actions o a large number of social mediators, committed to the defense of the agrarian reform. In the course of two decades, many projects were carried out by the Grupo Mulheres da Terra and the mediator agents, a relationship that was not free of conflicts. To understand the role of the Group\'s path in the settlement\'s history and in its internal gender relations as a process of a social movement that was establishing itself as a medium of the struggle for the land, we took the Oral History of the lives of the women that were part of the Grupo Mulheres da Terra of area II of the Sumaré settlement as one of the most important sources of our work.

Brazil has an active agrarian reform policy program, publicly organized by the federal government and publicly administered at the state level by the National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform. The objective of the agrarian reform policy program is to retitle unproductive and underproductive rural lands to increase agricultural production and land use. Previous agrarian reform researchers have examined quantities of land redistributed, rural technology developments, and the impact of social movements on land redistribution, but a knowledge gap remains regarding the correlation of agricultural production yields in rural municipalities before and after policy program participation. The State of Ceará has undertaken continuous land redistribution efforts between 1975 and 2006. For this longitudinal study, an agricultural production yield t-test analysis was conducted for the Brazilian State of Ceará with the marked time-series data collection for 1990, 1996, 2000, and 2006. The research and evaluation of the agrarian reform policy program used publicly available, secondary data from the Government of Brazil's Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics and the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform. The correlated analysis was organized by group: municipalities with a high-rate of agrarian reform participation and municipalities with a no-rate level of agrarian reform participation. By marking the point of program participation at 1996, the time-series t test identified marked agricultural production increases as correlated to agrarian reform policy program participation. The results can be used to justify agrarian reform programs, to promote further rural infrastructure development, and to support poverty alleviation efforts.

<p>The challenge of alleviating poverty, especially of the rural poor, is a universal one. Mozambique is also faced with this challenge as well the challenge of redressing the inequality exacerbated by civil war. Among the many strategies suggested for addressing poverty is improving poor people&rsquo / s access to land. In Mozambique, all land is owned by the state, yet informal land markets do exist. A theoretical review of the models on informal markets in developing countries reveals that economy of rural family depend greatly on land resources, and that often formalisation of land markets leads to land concentration and speculation rather than to the promotion of economic development. The overall objective of the study was to analyse the economic, institutional and social dynamics and determinants of informal land markets in rural Mozambique and how they impact on the livelihoods of poor people. Due to the largely unexplored nature of the topic, this study is exploratory and descriptive in nature. Research methods included a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. To achieve these objectives, a strategy comprising two approaches was used. Firstly, a theoretical review was undertaken, to discuss both international and African debate on informal land markets models with regard to different views on Mozambican informal land markets. This theoretical review also covered the political economy of land in Mozambique. Secondly, empirical evidence was systematized in the form of a case study of the perceptions of determinants on informal land markets that was undertaken in Mogovolas district. The lack of clear policy regarding the informal land market in Mozambique produced a complex range of problems, between local people, between locals and new investors, between new investors, and between all these groups and the state. The large majority of smaller localised conflicts were, and continue to be, resolved by traditional authorities and local social-control mechanisms. Conflicts between local people and investors have proved much more complex. The role of the state has been unclear from the start and the state is still dysfunctional due to a lack of transparency, inefficiency, and corruption in management of land.</p>

Entre 1988 et 2008, les Philippines ont mis en oeuvre le Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) qui visait à redistribuer 9 million d‟hectares de terres agricoles aux paysans sans terre. En dépit des échappatoires du programme et d‟une structure sociale très inégale qui freinent sa mise en oeuvre, ce modèle de réforme agraire présente des résultats surprenants alors que 82% des terres ont été redistribuées. Concernant les terres plus litigieuses appartenant à des intérêts privés, Borras soutient que le succès surprenant de plusieurs cas de luttes agraires s‟explique par l‟utilisation de la stratégie bibingka qui consiste à appliquer de la pression par le bas et par le haut afin de forcer la redistribution. Sa théorie cependant ne donne que peu de détails concernant les éléments qui rendent un cas plus ou moins litigieux. Elle ne traite pas non plus de la manière dont les éléments structurels et l‟action collective interagissent pour influencer le résultat des luttes agraires. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous attardons d‟abord à la manière dont certains éléments structurels – le type de récolte et le type de relation de production - influencent le degré de résistance des propriétaires terriens face aux processus du CARP, contribuant ainsi à rendre les cas plus ou moins litigieux. Ensuite nous analysons l‟influence du contexte structurel et des stratégies paysannes sur le résultat de la mise en oeuvre du programme de réforme agraire. Pour répondre à nos deux questions de recherche, nous présentons quatre études de cas situés dans la province de Cebu. / Between 1988 and 2008, the Philippines have been implementing the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) which aimed at redistributing 9 million hectares of agricultural land to landless peasants. Despite the loopholes of the program and the highly unequal social structure which constrain the implementation, this land reform program shows a positively surprising rate of accomplishment of 82% after 20 years. On the more contentious private agricultural land, Borras has argued that the unexpected successful outcome of various land struggles can be explained by the peasants reliance on the bibingka strategy which consists in applying pressure from below and from above to push for land redistribution. His theory however does not go into details about what makes a case more or less contentious, and on how agency and structure interact to influence the outcome of particular land struggles. In this thesis, we first look at how structural features – namely the type of crop produced and the tenurial status of farmers – influence the strength of landowner resistance to key CARP processes of land reform, thus contributing to make a case more or less contentious. Then we analyze the combined influence of the structural setting of the case and of the strategy used by peasants on the implementation outcome of land reform. To address our two main research questions, we present four case studies from the province of Cebu.

<p>The challenge of alleviating poverty, especially of the rural poor, is a universal one. Mozambique is also faced with this challenge as well the challenge of redressing the inequality exacerbated by civil war. Among the many strategies suggested for addressing poverty is improving poor people&rsquo / s access to land. In Mozambique, all land is owned by the state, yet informal land markets do exist. A theoretical review of the models on informal markets in developing countries reveals that economy of rural family depend greatly on land resources, and that often formalisation of land markets leads to land concentration and speculation rather than to the promotion of economic development. The overall objective of the study was to analyse the economic, institutional and social dynamics and determinants of informal land markets in rural Mozambique and how they impact on the livelihoods of poor people. Due to the largely unexplored nature of the topic, this study is exploratory and descriptive in nature. Research methods included a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. To achieve these objectives, a strategy comprising two approaches was used. Firstly, a theoretical review was undertaken, to discuss both international and African debate on informal land markets models with regard to different views on Mozambican informal land markets. This theoretical review also covered the political economy of land in Mozambique. Secondly, empirical evidence was systematized in the form of a case study of the perceptions of determinants on informal land markets that was undertaken in Mogovolas district. The lack of clear policy regarding the informal land market in Mozambique produced a complex range of problems, between local people, between locals and new investors, between new investors, and between all these groups and the state. The large majority of smaller localised conflicts were, and continue to be, resolved by traditional authorities and local social-control mechanisms. Conflicts between local people and investors have proved much more complex. The role of the state has been unclear from the start and the state is still dysfunctional due to a lack of transparency, inefficiency, and corruption in management of land.</p>

This paper aims to analyze the state agrarian reform proposal through land reform policy of the Olívio Dutra s government (1999-2002), as well as recovering the main issues concerning implementation, development and destiny of the Carlos Marighella settlement. The proposal of this government that maintained a strong opposition to land reform policy from Fernando Henrique Cardoso s federal government (1999-2002), which prioritizes the market land reform policy, through the land credit policy entitled Bank of the Land. During his election campaign, the state government pledged to settle ten thousand families across the state agrarian reform policy, thus came out the Carlos Marighella settlement in the city of Santa Maria-RS in the year of two thousand, aiming at forming a differential settlement in the shape of an agricultural production cooperative, using collective work, without private ownership of land and developing productive activities based on agroecology. So because of these characteristics this settlement should be "model" for others to be implemented in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. Methodologically this study fits in a qualitative research, that used as method, a case study; concerning the research instruments was used: a) a bibliographic and documentary research for the historical recovery achievement about agrarian reform in Brazil, and in particular the FHC s proposal for agrarian reform in Brazil, and the Olívio Dutra s agrarian reform proposal in the state of Rio Grande do Sul; b) semi structured interviews applied to key informers that originates the empirical discussion, being, therefore, primary sources datas. These informers were divided in three groups (state government, municipal government/institutions, technical advisory body). Through the contributions from social actors interviewed, it concludes there was an improvement in the agrarian reform from agrarian reform state policy on analyzed, although state government haven t been achieved the goal of settling ten thousand families. It is also stressed that the Carlos Marighella settlement, despite of being recognized in the whole country and in the world as well by its particular characteristics of its implementation, underwent a break in the original project. Concerning this failure of the settlement in question, the main causes were, the lack of collective conscience on behalf of the settlers, non-existent of a technical advisory body prepared to work with agroecology and the difficulty of the settlers in overcoming the inherent conflicts to human nature. / Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a proposta de reforma agrária estadual, através da política de reforma agrária do governo Olívio Dutra (1999-2002), bem como resgatar as principais questões acerca da implantação, desenvolvimento e destino do assentamento Carlos Marighella. A proposta desse governo tinha uma forte oposição a política de reforma agrária do governo federal de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1999-2002), que priorizava a política de reforma agrária de mercado , através da política de crédito fundiário intitulado Banco da Terra. Em campanha eleitoral o governo estadual se comprometeu em assentar 10 mil famílias através da reforma agrária estadual. Nesse contexto que surgiu o assentamento Carlos Marighella em Santa Maria-RS no ano de 2000, que visava ser um assentamento diferenciado com formato de uma cooperativa de produção agropecuária, baseado no trabalho coletivo, sem a propriedade particular da terra e desenvolvendo atividades produtivas baseadas na agroecologia. Assim, devido a estas características este assentamento visava ser um modelo para os demais a serem implantados no RS. Metodologicamente, este estudo se enquadra numa pesquisa qualitativa e utilizou como método o estudo de caso; já como instrumentos de pesquisa foram utilizados: a) a pesquisa bibliográfica e documental para a realização do resgate histórico sobre a reforma agrária no Brasil, e em particular a proposta de reforma agrária de FHC em nível nacional e - em nível estadual - a proposta de reforma agrária de Olívio Dutra; b) entrevistas semiestruturadas aplicadas a informantes-chave que originou a discussão empírica, sendo, portanto, dados de fonte primária. Esses informantes foram divididos em três grupos (governo estadual, governo municipal/instituições, assessoria técnica). Através da contribuição dos atores sociais entrevistados, concluiu-se que houve um avanço na reforma agrária a partir da política estadual de reforma agrária analisada, embora o governo não tenha atingido a meta de assentar 10 mil famílias. Destaca-se também, que o assentamento Carlos Marighella, apesar de ser reconhecido nacional e internacionalmente pelas características peculiares de sua implementação, sofreu uma ruptura do projeto inicial. Ressalta-se como principais causas do insucesso do assentamento estudado, a falta de consciência coletiva por parte dos assentados, a inexistência de uma assistência técnica preparada para trabalhar com a agroecologia e a grande dificuldade dos assentados em superar os conflitos que são inerentes a natureza humana.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-26T13:33:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 texto completo.pdf: 420115 bytes, checksum: 73ddadf78303a92c8e537309ef948185 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-03-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The agrarian reform is theme quite controverted, could be analyzed by several angles, falling prominence to the political events that, along the history, they justify the moments of cooling and larger social mobilization. Among these angles, the present study will point out the relationship between the agrarian reform and the environment, being important to point out that the origin of this encounter was in 1997 with the promulgation of the Resolution 237 of CONAMA, that turned obligatory the environmental licensing for several activities, among which stand out the projects of rural establishments, being alerted that just in the year of 2001 there was the promulgation of specific federal norm for such a theme, which is, the Resolution 289 of CONAMA, that went into effect on December 19, 2004. In Minas Gerais, however, soon after the Resolution 237, a specific legislation was elaborated to discipline such situation, so that in 2000 the Normative Deliberation 44 of COPAM was elaborated, establishing the compulsory environmental licensing for the projects of rural establishments in Minas Gerais, in effect since the day of the publication, on November 25, 2000. In function of this new requirement for the agrarian reform, problems began to appear referring to the procedure for obtaining the environmental licenses, being the objective of this work to accomplish a study on the form as the environmental norm interfered in the creation and implementation of the rural establishments, being analyzed the institutions that work directly with the subject, as well as the analysis of the ideological mechanism that the Right use to justify the agrarian reform in Minas Gerais. / A reforma agrária é tema bastante conhecido e controvertido, podendo ser analisada por vários ângulos, cabendo destaque aos acontecimentos políticos que, ao longo da história, justificam os momentos de arrefecimento e maior mobilização social. Dentre esses ângulos, o presente estudo abordou a relação entre a reforma agrária e o meio ambiente, sendo importante salientar que a origem desse encontro se deu em 1997, com a promulgação da Resolução 237 do CONAMA, que tornou obrigatório o licenciamento ambiental para diversas atividades, dentre as quais se destacam os projetos de assentamentos rurais, alertando para o fato de que apenas no ano de 2001 houve a promulgação de norma federal específica para tal tema: a Resolução 289 do CONAMA, que entrou em vigor em 19 de dezembro de 2004. Em Minas Gerais, entretanto, logo após a Resolução 237, foi elaborada uma legislação específica para disciplinar tal situação, de forma que em 2000 foi elaborada a Deliberação Normativa 44 do COPAM, estabelecendo a obrigatoriedade do licenciamento ambiental para os projetos de assentamento rural mineiros, em vigor desde o dia da publicação, em 25 de novembro de 2000. Em razão desse novo requisito para a reforma agrária, começaram a surgir problemas referentes ao procedimento para obtenção das licenças ambientais. O objetivo deste trabalho foi realizar um estudo de como a norma ambiental interferiu na criação e implementação dos assentamentos rurais, analisando-se as instituições que lidam diretamente com a questão, assim como o mecanismo ideológico que o Direito, enquanto campo de conhecimento, se utiliza para justificar a reforma agrária em Minas Gerais.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:39:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3368.pdf: 2171995 bytes, checksum: d03e49e3ad4e846bce4f301b0b298cdd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-01 / The question of rural development has been discussed by different agencies and agents, governmental or otherwise, that directed the discussions towards convergence between the questions of agriculture, agrarian and environment. In this approach, the conservation and restoration of natural resources are considered as important as the agricultural production. In Brazil, this approach has placed the agrarian reform settlements as areas important for the implementation of agricultural projects based on environmental sustainability. The case study we developed in a rural settlement in the municipality on the Ribeirão Preto, region northeastern state of Sao Paulo shows that the implementation of such projects exacerbates conflicts between the agents and expressed the fragmentation and dislocation of public policies for rural settlements. Comparing the different discourse and practices, we aimed to understand what is an environmental sustainability for the state, social movements and rural workers settled. / A questão do desenvolvimento rural vem sendo discutida por diferentes agências e agentes, governamentais ou não, que direcionam os debates para a convergência entre as questões agrícola, agrária e ambiental. Nesta abordagem, a conservação e a recomposição dos recursos naturais são consideradas tão importantes quanto a produção agropecuária. No Brasil, esta perspectiva tem colocado os assentamentos de reforma agrária como espaços importantes para a implantação de projetos baseados na sustentabilidade ambiental. O estudo de caso que desenvolvemos num assentamento rural no município de Ribeirão Preto, região Nordeste do Estado de São Paulo, revela que a implantação de projetos dessa natureza acirra os conflitos entre os diferentes agentes e expressa a fragmentação e a desarticulação das políticas públicas voltadas para os assentamentos rurais. Confrontando os diferentes discursos e práticas objetivamos compreender no que consiste a sustentabilidade ambiental para o Estado, os movimentos sociais e os trabalhadores rurais assentados.

O objetivo do trabalho é analisar a interface rural-urbana, buscando definir um conceito que contemple as múltiplas faces e coexistências de rural e de urbano no território contemporâneo, a partir de diferentes perspectivas de agentes que atuam nesse território e nos processos de planejamento territorial. Como estudo de caso, foi escolhido um dos assentamentos da reforma agrária, denominado Assentamento Marapicu, no município de Nova Iguaçu, situado hoje na borda rural-urbana da Região Metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro (RMRJ). Esse Assentamento foi responsável por reverter a situação de retirada da área rural do plano diretor municipal. Os procedimentos metodológicos priorizaram abordagens interdisciplinar, sócio-espacial e interescalar, voltadas à reflexão teórica sobre a relação ruralurbana no território e aos desafios do planejamento territorial frente aos novos atores sociais do campo, sob o ponto de vista da área do Planejamento Urbano e Regional. A pesquisa de campo descreveu o território em diferentes escalas, destacando os padrões de ocupação e de planejamento territorial e aplicou entrevistas realizadas com agentes-chave (comunidade de assentados e os gestores públicos que trabalham com o planejamento territorial das escalas municipal e metropolitana). A partir de alguns elementos territoriais apontados nas entrevistas, foram criadas categorias de análise da interface rural-urbana e construídos cenários possíveis para a área do Assentamento, de caráter rural, urbano e rural-urbano. Os resultados apontaram a interface rural-urbana como um conceito possível para análise e aplicação no planejamento territorial no Brasil, possibilitando um exercício metodológico que contrapõe a ideia hegemônica de priorizar as questões urbanas como positivas e inevitáveis no território. / This work aims to analyze the rural-urban interface, seeking to define a concept that contemplates the multiple faces and coexistences of rural and urban in the contemporary territory, from different perspectives of agents that work in this territory and in the processes of territorial planning. As a case study, was chosen one of the rural settlements of the agrarian reform in the municipality of Nova Iguaçu, located today at the rural-urban border of the Metropolitan Region of Rio de Janeiro (RMRJ). The “Marapicu Settlement” was responsible for reversing the situation of withdrawal from the rural area of the municipal master plan. The methodological procedures prioritized interdisciplinary, socio-spatial and interscalar approaches, focused on the theoretical reflection on the rural-urban relationship in the territory and on the challenges of territorial planning facing the new social actors of the rural area, from the point of view of the Urban and Regional Planning area. The field research described the territory at different scales, highlighting the patterns of occupation and territorial planning and applied interviews with key agents (community of settlers and the public managers who work with the territorial planning of the municipal and metropolitan scales). From some territorial elements pointed out in the interviews, categories of analysis of the rural-urban interface were created and possible scenarios for the settlement area, of rural, urban and rural-urban character were constructed. The results pointed to the rural-urban interface as a possible concept for analysis and application in territorial planning in Brazil, making possible a methodological exercise that contrasts the hegemonic idea of prioritizing urban issues as positive and inevitable in the territory.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-09-12T18:06:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PEDRO PEREIRA LEMOS - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGERR 2003..pdf: 28952758 bytes, checksum: df8ecb426b59c6b5466e978c5859fbab (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-12T18:06:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PEDRO PEREIRA LEMOS - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGERR 2003..pdf: 28952758 bytes, checksum: df8ecb426b59c6b5466e978c5859fbab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003 / O problema da má distribuição de terras no Brasil sempre serviu de motivação para movimentos sociais, pesquisadores e para a promoção de políticas no sentido de solucioná-lo ou, pelo menos, amenizá-lo. Em 1998 o governo brasileiro lançou um programa inovador de reforma agrária: o Fundo de Terras e da Reforma Agrária - Banco da Terra, que propõe a compra de terra através de negociação direta entre beneficiários e o proprietário. E a chamada reforma agrária de mercado. O problema central deste trabalho é o estudo desse novo instrumento de reforma agrária, destacando-se alguns aspectos de seu funcionamento no Estado da Paraíba. Para isto realizamos pesquisas bibliográficas em livros, artigos, relatórios e sites da Internet, participamos de reuniões de sindicatos, fizemos visitas e entrevistas na secretaria do Banco da Terra e do INCRA na Paraíba. Verificamos que a luta pela terra é histórica no Brasil e apresenta novos elementos ao longo do tempo, enriquecendo a discussão. De fato, pouco se tem avançado no sentido de superar a má distribuição de terras no Brasil. O Banco da Terra surge dentro do contexto macroeconômico neoliberal do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, delegando ao mercado a tarefa de resolver um problema histórico. Na Paraíba o Programa foi implantado em 2000, e podemos perceber alguns problemas em sua atuação: contribui para o encarecimento do preço da terra; juntamente com outros instrumentos, desmobiliza os movimentos de luta pela terra; além disso, tudo leva a crer que os beneficiários, na sua maioria, não terão condições de pagar os financiamentos contraídos. Contudo, esse ainda não é o principal instrumento de reforma agrária na Paraíba como suspeitava-se. Nos moldes atuais o Banco da Terra não é uma boa alternativa, principalmente para regiões com dificuldades climáticas como a Nordeste e não visa corrigir uma exclusão histórica nem assegurar a subsistência dos beneficiários. É um programa regido e direcionado para o mercado. / In Brazil the unfair land distribution has been a reason of social struggle, which focuses on the attempt of sorting it out. Researchers have been committed in promoting policies to either solve the matter, or reduce it. In 1998, the Brazilian Government initiated a new land reform program The "Fundo de Terras e da Reforma Agrária - Banco da Terra" (Land Fund and Land Reform) is intended to buying land through direct negotiations between proprietors and beneficiaries This is known as the Market-Assisted Land Reform. The main goal of this work is to study this new land reform tool, highlighting some of its operating aspects in the State of Paraíba. In order to do so, we had to do reserches on books, textbooks, articles, reports, internet sites, etc. We also attended meetings at local labor syndicates, visited some locations where the program is in place, and interviewed personnel concerned, at Secretaria do Banco da Terra e do INCRA, in Paraiba. We noticed that the unfair land distribution system is a historical issue in Brazil but, along time, it has shown new elements, enhancing the subject under discussion. As a matter of fact, when it comes to solving the land distribution point, very little concrete measure have been achieved to overcome the situation. Banco da Terra comes up from a macroeconômica!and neoliberal context by the government of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso. In brief, it hands over to the market the task of solving this historical problem. In Paraíba, the program was implemented in 2000. However, we could detect some negative results in its performance. The land price has become more expensive, and, in cooperation with other instalments, it dismantles the organized struggle that the Landless have towards land. Moreover, everything indicates that most of the beneficiaries will not be able to pay off the acquired financing debts. Even though, in contrast to what we used to believe, this is still not the main concern regarding land distribution in Paraíba. At present, Banco da Terra does not seem to be a good alternative, especially for regions that suffer from weather difficulties, as the Northeast does It is not the goal of the Bank to either correct an unfair and historical process or ensure means of providing a better life to the beneficiaries. In other words, it is a program that is maintained, managed and directed to the market