As a national key priority programme, land reform acts as a driving force for rural development and building the economy of the country. In order for land reform to contribute to sustainable livelihoods for land reform beneficiaries, it must be supported by diversified programmes of pre- and post-settlement support of agrarian reform in a non-centralised and non-bureaucratic manner. Post-settlement support in the context of South African land reform refers to post-transfer support or settlement support given to land reform beneficiaries after they have received land. Support services, or complementary development support, as specified in the White Paper of the South African Land Policy of 1996, include assistance with productive and sustainable land use, agricultural extension services support, infrastructural support, access to markets and credit facilities, and agricultural production inputs. Government’s mandate is, however, not only restricted to the redistribution of land or making land more accessible. It is also responsible for empowering beneficiaries and for creating an effective support foundation to ensure that sustainable development takes place, specifically in the rural areas of the country. In practice, sustainable development entails that, for land reform to be successful, the quality of life of beneficiaries must improve substantially and the acquired land must be utilised to its full commercial potential, after resettlement on claimed land has occurred. Therefore, an effective post-settlement support strategy and model must be set in place. The Department of Rural Development and Land Reform (DRDLR) and the Department of Agriculture, Rural Development and Land Administration (DARDLA) are the key departments that have been mandated to implement the Land Reform Programme (LRP). DRDLR is responsible for facilitation of the land acquisition (pre-settlement support) and DARDLA for post-settlement support, ensuring that the land or farms that have been delivered or acquired by land beneficiaries are economically viable. Without post-settlement support, land reform will not yield to sustainable development and nor improve the quality of life of rural people. There is, however, little or no evidence to suggest that land reform has led to improved efficiency, improvement of livelihoods, job creation or economic growth. Against this background, the study investigated and unlocked the key challenges related to the post-settlement support of the LRP, with emphasis on the agricultural support programmes rendered by the DARDLA in Mpumalanga Province to land reform beneficiaries. It further examined how such support impacts on the sustainability of the LRP, and made recommendations to the management of the Department on what could be done to further improve post-settlement support to land reform projects towards achieving the objective of sustainable development. / M Public Administration, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

As a national key priority programme, land reform acts as a driving force for rural development and building the economy of the country. In order for land reform to contribute to sustainable livelihoods for land reform beneficiaries, it must be supported by diversified programmes of pre- and post-settlement support of agrarian reform in a non-centralised and non-bureaucratic manner. Post-settlement support in the context of South African land reform refers to post-transfer support or settlement support given to land reform beneficiaries after they have received land. Support services, or complementary development support, as specified in the White Paper of the South African Land Policy of 1996, include assistance with productive and sustainable land use, agricultural extension services support, infrastructural support, access to markets and credit facilities, and agricultural production inputs. Government’s mandate is, however, not only restricted to the redistribution of land or making land more accessible. It is also responsible for empowering beneficiaries and for creating an effective support foundation to ensure that sustainable development takes place, specifically in the rural areas of the country. In practice, sustainable development entails that, for land reform to be successful, the quality of life of beneficiaries must improve substantially and the acquired land must be utilised to its full commercial potential, after resettlement on claimed land has occurred. Therefore, an effective post-settlement support strategy and model must be set in place. The Department of Rural Development and Land Reform (DRDLR) and the Department of Agriculture, Rural Development and Land Administration (DARDLA) are the key departments that have been mandated to implement the Land Reform Programme (LRP). DRDLR is responsible for facilitation of the land acquisition (pre-settlement support) and DARDLA for post-settlement support, ensuring that the land or farms that have been delivered or acquired by land beneficiaries are economically viable. Without post-settlement support, land reform will not yield to sustainable development and nor improve the quality of life of rural people. There is, however, little or no evidence to suggest that land reform has led to improved efficiency, improvement of livelihoods, job creation or economic growth. Against this background, the study investigated and unlocked the key challenges related to the post-settlement support of the LRP, with emphasis on the agricultural support programmes rendered by the DARDLA in Mpumalanga Province to land reform beneficiaries. It further examined how such support impacts on the sustainability of the LRP, and made recommendations to the management of the Department on what could be done to further improve post-settlement support to land reform projects towards achieving the objective of sustainable development. / M Public Administration, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Cette thèse propose une ethnographie des devenirs des fermiers blancs saisis sur le long terme de leur présence au Zimbabwe. L’analyse est centrée autour d’un moment de crise, les occupations de fermes en cours, qualifié dans ce travail d’éthique et de critique. Ces occupations s’attaquent symboliquement et réellement aux restes de la colonisation au Zimbabwe. Leur étude nous a conduits à nous interroger sur les manières suivant lesquelles la décolonisation est mise en oeuvre dans le Zimbabwe du Président Mugabe et sur les enjeux qui concernent la forme, notamment sur le plan légale, de la postcolonie. Ces occupations ont provoqué l’expulsion de plus de 90 % des fermiers blancs hors de leur lieu utopique, à savoir la ferme, et les ont poussés dans des espaces d’ambiguïté à l’intérieur desquels les occupants cherchent la confrontation. La question de la corruption (économique et morale) est au coeur de l’expérience des fermiers blancs qui ont été forcés de renoncer à leur intégrité. Certains d’entre eux ont tenté par divers moyens de la maintenir en se préservant de la corruption et en réclamant le respect de leurs « droits »; d’autres ont accepté de vivre dans la zone grise que constitue l’occupation de leur ferme. Cette thèse qui s’ancre dans l’anthropologie postcoloniale est organisée en trois parties. La question centrale de la première partie qui est d’orientation historique interroge la forme que les settlers ont donnée à ce pays et la manière mise de l’avant par les fermiers blancs pour faire de ces terres africaines « leur » lieu. Dans la deuxième partie, l’instauration après 2000 du Fast-track land reform programme et l'expérience quotidienne des occupations du point de vue des fermiers blancs sont analysées dans le détail. Dans la troisième partie, la vie des fermiers dépossédés de leur ferme est abordée à partir d’Harare, la capitale du Zimbabwe et de la Grande-Bretagne où ils ont trouvé refuge. Ceux qui vivent actuellement à Harare se sont réorganisés socialement et économiquement en redéfinissant les limites, notamment morales, de la communauté. Ceux qui, fuyant le Zimbabwe, sont « retournés » en Angleterre sont redevenus des Anglais. / This thesis presents an ethnography of the fate of white farmers caught up in the complexity of their long-term presence in Zimbabwe. The analysis is centered around a time of crisis, the current farm occupations, characterised in this work as ethical and critical moments. These occupations symbolically and effectively challenge the remains of colonialism in Zimbabwe. The study of these leads us to question the ways by which decolonization is implemented in the Zimbabwe of President Mugabe, and about issues concerning the form, in particular in legal terms, of the post-colony. These occupations have caused the expulsion of more than 90% of white farmers from their “utopian place”, namely the farm, and pushed them into spaces of ambiguity within which the farm occupiers are seeking confrontation. The issue of corruption (economic and moral) is central to the experience of white farmers who were forced to give up their integrity. Some of them have tried by various means to maintain their integrity by protecting themselves against corruption and by calling for the respect of their "rights"; others have agreed to live in the grey areas constituted by the occupation of their farms. This thesis, rooted in post-colonial anthropology, is organized into three parts. The central question of the first part, which is historically oriented, interrogates the form the settlers gave to this country and the manner by which white farmers made these lands of Africa "their" place. In the second part, the establishment of the post-2000 “fast-track land reform programme” and the daily experiences of the occupations from white farmers’ points of view are analyzed in detail. In the third part, the lives of farmers dispossessed of their farms is adressed from Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe, as well as from Britain, where many have found refuge. Those currently living in Harare have reorganized themselves socially and economically by redefining the limits, including moral ones, of the community. Meanwhile, those who fled Zimbabwe and "returned" to England have since became English again.

Orientador: Noemia Ramos Vieira / Resumo: Esta pesquisa apresenta as contribuições dos cursos técnicos com abordagem em agroecologia para os territórios de reforma agrária, e promovidos pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) no estado de São Paulo. Apontamos como experiência de análise no curso técnico em “Cooperativismo e Agroecologia” ocorrido entre 2015 e 2017, na Escola Estadual de Educação Popular Rosa Luxemburgo, localizada no Assentamento Rosa Luxemburgo no município de Agudos-SP. No primeiro capítulo trazemos reflexões teóricas próximas do conceito de educação e da formação técnica, a relação de teoria e a prática nos processos de luta por educação libertadora, e de processo histórico no continente latino-americano com protagonismo dos movimentos sociais. Em seguida trazemos o termo de agroecologia para além de uma prática de produção de alimento, como bandeira de luta em todas as dimensões da vida entre campo e cidade, e especificamente no contexto do estado de São Paulo. Para o terceiro capítulo, destacamos as caraterísticas de lugar e dimensões pedagógicas do Curso técnico em Cooperativismo e Agroecologia e as percepções dos que fizeram o curso a respeito do curso, agroecologia e assentamentos rurais. Como processo metodológico, temos feito revisão bibliografia e levantamento de documentos acerca do curso técnico, realizado entrevistas semiestruturadas aos que se formaram do curso. Contudo, a sistematização das informações levantadas foi no sentido de identificar as perspectivas sobre o cu... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This research presents the contributions of the technical courses with approach in agroecology for the territories of agrarian reform, and promoted by the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST) in the state of Sao Paulo. We point out as an analysis experience the technical course in "Cooperativism and Agroecology" carried out between 2015 and 2017, in the State School of Popular Education Rosa Luxemburg, located in the Rosa Luxemburg Settlement in the municipality of Agudos-SP. In the first chapter we bring theoretical reflections on the concept of education and technical training, the relation of theory and practice in the processes of struggle for liberating education, and the historical process in the Latin American continent with protagonism of social movements. Then we bring the term agroecology as well as a practice of food production, as a banner of struggle in all dimensions of life between the countryside and the city, and specifically in the context of the state of Sao Paulo. For the third chapter, we highlight the spatial characteristics and pedagogical dimensions of the Technical Course in Cooperativism and Agroecology and the perceptions of those who graduated about the course, agroecology and rural settlements. As a methodological process, we have made a bibliographical review and documents about the technical course, conducted semi-structured interviews to those who formed the course. The systematization of the information raised was in the sense of identifyi... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: Esta investigación presenta las contribuciones de los cursos técnicos con abordaje en agroecología para los territorios de reforma agraria, y promovidos por el Movimiento de los Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra (MST) en el estado de San Pablo. Señalamos como experiencia de análisis el curso técnico en “Cooperativismo y Agroecología” realizado entre 2015 y 2017, en la Escuela Estadual de Educación Popular Rosa Luxemburgo, localizada en el Asentamiento Rosa Luxemburgo en el municipio de Agudos-SP. En el primer capítulo traemos reflexiones teóricas sobre el concepto de educación y formación técnica, la relación de teoría y práctica en los procesos de lucha por educación libertadora, y de proceso histórico en el continente latinoamericano con protagonismo de los movimientos sociales. En seguida traemos el término de agroecología además de una práctica de producción de alimento, como bandera de lucha en todas las dimensiones de la vida entre campo y ciudad, y específicamente en el contexto del estado de San Pablo. Para el tercer capítulo, destacamos las características espaciales y dimensiones pedagógicas del Curso técnico en Cooperativismo y Agroecología y las percepciones de los que se graduaron acerca del curso, agroecología y asentamientos rurales. Como proceso metodológico, hemos hecho revisión bibliográfica y levantamiento de documentos acerca del curso técnico, realizado entrevistas semiestructuradas a los que se formaron del curso. La sistematización de las informaciones le... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre

A presente tese de doutorado tem por objetivo aferir junto a um grupo estruturado (em acampamento e projeto de assentamento) de trabalhadores rurais acampados ou assentados ligados ao MST (Movimento dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra) que reivindicam o acesso a terra e ao trabalho através da efetivação da reforma agrária quais são as estratégias de controle social implementadas nesses grupamentos. Tal investigação, eminentemente interdisciplinar, foi realizada em duas esferas distintas: primeiramente, se ancorou, em termos teóricos próprios da criminologia, da sociologia, da geografia e da antropologia, as principais categorias e conceitos intrínsecos ao objeto da pesquisa (i. a questão agrária; ii. a trajetória do Movimento dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra; iii. a definição de grupos enquanto espaços de sociabilidade; iv. o controle social; v. a teoria criminológica do conflito, com ênfase na perspectiva criminológica crítica1; vi. A sociologia da conflitualidade e vii. o processo de marginalização/interação sociais). Num segundo momento, efetiva-se o estudo de caso propriamente dito, quando, a partir da ida a campo (acampamento e projeto de assentamento rural localizados na região do Pontal do Paranapanema, no Estado de São Paulo) traça um estudo das trajetórias de militantes do MST e assentados rurais por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas, para, assim, desvendar as estratégias de controle social e os seus reflexos no indivíduo a ele submetido, na interação entre o próprio grupo e, finalmente, na sua inserção na sociedade. A revisão da literatura especializada aplicável ao objeto de estudo demonstrou que os conflitos agrários que até hoje são muito latentes no Brasil têm suas raízes num modelo de ocupação do espaço rural absolutamente concentrado, com a permanência do latifúndio que, quando não é improdutivo, tem por parte do poder público generoso apoio econômico e político, o que não se verifica nas mesmas proporções nos assentamentos de reforma agrária. Nesse cenário de injustiça fundiária, ganha espaço na sociedade brasileira o MST, movimento social que pauta as reivindicações em torno da questão agrária, organizando os seus militantes nos acampamentos no momento de luta pelo acesso a terra e, em relação aos assentados quem lida na terra buscando, principalmente em relação aos poderes públicos, a sua viabilidade econômica através de medidas pelo menos iguais às que são concedidas ao agronegócio nacional. Ainda que a capacidade de mobilização do MST seja constantemente apontada como declinante, o que se observou no acampamento e assentamento estudados foi uma presença marcante desse movimento no contexto local, não só em relação aos acampados e assentados, mas também nas interações sociais desses personagens no espaço sócio-político local. (1 A classificação macrocriminológica aqui adotada distinção entre criminologia do consenso e criminologia do conflito é de SHECAIRA, Sérgio Salomão, na obra Criminologia, p. 137 e 138). / This doctoral thesis aims to measure along with a structured group (in camps and settlement projects) rural workers camps or settlements related to the MST (Movement of landless rural workers) who claim access to land and labor through the realization of land reform which are the social control strategies implemented in these groups. This research, interdisciplinary eminently, was conducted in two distinct spheres: first, if anchored in theoretical terms themselves of criminology, sociology, geography and anthropology, the main categories and concepts intrinsic to the object of research (i. the agrarian question; ii. the path of movement of landless rural workers; iii. the definition of groups as spaces of sociability; iv. social control; v. Criminological theory of conflict2, with emphasis critical criminological perspective; vi. the sociology of conflict and vii. the process of marginalization/social interaction). Secondly, effective to the case study itself, when, from a field trip (camping and design of rural settlement located in the region of Pontal do Paranapanema, in São Paulo) outlines a study of the trajectories of militants MST and rural settlers through semistructured interviews, in order thereby to reveal the strategies of social control and its impact on the individual referred to it in the interaction between the group itself, and finally, in their integration into society. The review of the literature applicable to the object of study has shown that the agrarian conflicts that are still very dormant in Brazil have their roots in a model of occupation of the land absolutely concentrated, with the permanence of large estates which, if not counterproductive, is part of the generous government economic and political support, which is not the case in the same proportions in agrarian reform settlements. In this scenario of injustice land, gaining ground in Brazilians society, the MST, social movement that claims staff around the land issue, organizing its militants in the camps at the time of struggle for land and in relation to the settlers those who deal in the land seeking especially in relation to public authorities, their economic viability through measures at least equal to those granted to agribusiness. Although the ability to mobilize the MST is consistently identified as declining, which was observed in the camp and settlement studied was a strong presence in the local context of this movement, not only in relation to the camps and settlements, but also in social interactions of these characters in the socio-political location. (2 The macrocriminological classification adopted here distinction between criminology consensus and criminology conflict is SHECAIRA, Sergio Salomão. Criminology, p. 137 and 138).

nÃo hà / Constitui-se intenÃÃo central deste estudo analisar o modo como se estabeleceram as relaÃÃes entre tÃcnicos do Estado e pequenos produtores rurais assentados em Ãreas de Assentamento da Reforma AgrÃria do CearÃ, explicitando os encontros e, ou confrontos de suas prÃticas, seus saberes e sua articulaÃÃo com a questÃo do poder, identificando ao mesmo tempo as possibilidades e os limites da construÃÃo de uma prÃxis educativa entre esses sujeitos e agentes. A escolha deste objeto de estudo està referenciada no percurso prÃtico e teÃrico que vivi na Secretaria da EducaÃÃo do Estado e em outras experiÃncias profissionais junto aos pequenos produtores rurais assentados e suas organizaÃÃes associativas. A reflexÃo teÃrico/prÃtica empreendida teve como campo de observaÃÃo uma experiÃncia concreta â a implementaÃÃo do Programa de Apoio à GestÃo de OrganizaÃÃes de Pequenos Produtores Rurais â que se desenvolveu no espaÃo geogrÃfico e polÃtico de Ãreas de assentamento, no perÃodo de novembro de 1993 a julho de 1994. O Programa foi o resultado de uma histÃria de luta dos assentados junto a instituiÃÃes pÃblicas, na tentativa de viabilizar um processo de cooperaÃÃo tÃcnico-administrativa compatÃvel com seus interesses e necessidades. Para empreender a anÃlise do objeto de estudo, busquei como suporte teÃrico-metodolÃgico a contribuiÃÃo de algumas categorias e concepÃÃes marxistas ou que compartilham dessa interpretaÃÃo, como Estado, trabalho, prÃxis, saber social e poder, instrumentos fundamentais para a compreensÃo mais global do homem como sujeito de sua histÃria e das relaÃÃes que estabelece entre os demais homens e estes com a realidade. Considerando que a prÃxis educativa à uma dimensÃo da prÃxis humana, pontuei como achados deste trabalho os espaÃos potencializadores dessa prÃxis. Processos educativos se gestaram ao longo dos encontros e desencontros de prÃticas, de saberes e poderes, entre assentados e tÃcnicos e destes com as instituiÃÃes que fomentaram o Programa, e legitimaram a presenÃa do Estado. NÃo apenas os encontros (caminhos), mas as oposiÃÃes de prÃticas, saberes e poderes (descaminhos) traduzem a potencialidade de construÃÃo de uma prÃxis educativa, cujas sementes tiveram na experiÃncia do Programa de Apoio um solo fÃrtil para sua germinaÃÃo. / It constitutes the central intent of this study to examine how relations were established between the technicians of the State and smallholder rural settlers settled in Areas of Settlement Land Reform of CearÃ, explaining the encounters and/or confrontations of their practices, their knowledge and their articulation with the power question, identifying both the possibilities and the limits of the construction of an educational praxis between these subjects and agents. The choice of this object of study is referenced in the practical and theoretical path that I lived in the Secretaria da EducaÃÃo do Estado and in other professional experiences along the smallholder rural settlers and their membership organizations. The theoretical / practice reflection had undertaken as observation field a concrete experience - the implementation of the following program: Programa de Apoio à GestÃo de OrganizaÃÃes de Pequenos Produtores Rurais - that was developed in the geographical and political space settlement areas, from November 1993 to July 1994. The program was the result of a history of struggle of the settlers with public institutions in an attempt to enable a process of technical and administrative cooperation compatible with their interests and needs. To undertake the analysis of the object of study, I sought as a theoretical-methodological support the contribution of some marxist categories and conceptions or those that share this interpretation, as State, work, praxis, social knowledge and power, essential tools for a more global understanding of man as the subject of his history and of the relationships that he establishes between other men and them with reality. Whereas the educational praxis is a dimension of human praxis, I pointed out as discoveries of this study, the potentiating spaces of this praxis. Educational processes gave birth over the comings and goings of practices, knowledge and powers, between settlers and technicians and those with institutions that fostered the Program, and legitimized the presence of the state. Not only the meetings (paths), but the oppositions of practices, knowledge and powers (waywardness) translate the potentiality of construction of such an educational praxis whose seeds had in the experiment of the Support Program, a fertile soil for germination.

Em 5 de fevereiro de 2017 a Constituição Política dos Estados Unidos Mexicanos completa cem anos. Corolário da Revolução Mexicana que a antecedeu, a Constituição Mexicana de 1917 é a primeira no mundo a assegurar direitos sociais regulação da propriedade e reforma agrária, direitos dos trabalhadores, direito à educação laica em seu texto. A criação de um constitucionalismo social transformou o próprio conceito de Estado, ampliando consideravelmente tanto sua capacidade de intervenção na realidade como as expectativas e demandas sociais de ação estatal. O objetivo desta tese foi descrever e analisar o desenrolar revolucionário mexicano entre 1910 e 1917, principalmente a partir dos planos e documentos jurídicos produzidos pelos diferentes grupos que dele participaram, para compreender o contexto histórico que possibilitou as formulações originais e a inclusão de direitos sociais na Constituição de 1917. A análise dessa porção da história do direito mexicano mostra que, ao adotarem a forma jurídica para escrever seus anseios de transformação social, as diferentes correntes revolucionárias mexicanas decidiram deliberadamente disputar a forma-direito que seria responsável por ordenar a sociedade. Assumiram que o conteúdo das normas jurídicas futuras estava também sujeito ao resultado da luta social que eles vinham travando. E que não se tratava de uma batalha perdida contra uma forma que lhes era necessariamente desfavorável, mas sim de uma disputa que poderia ser vencida. Além disso, a análise dos textos de planos, decretos e outros documentos revolucionários fontes primárias escritas em linguagem jurídica trouxe importantes elementos para a compreensão e interpretação da própria Revolução Mexicana. A história do direito que aqui se reconstrói contribuiu para novos olhares sobre aquele momento histórico, levando a divergências consideráveis frente à historiografia consagrada, em especial no que diz respeito à avaliação política do processo revolucionário. Permitiu também conclusões importantes acerca do papel do direito na história, particularmente na história das revoluções. / On the fifth of January, 2017, the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States celebrates a hundred years of existence. Corollary to the Mexican Revolution which preceded it, the Mexican Constitution of 1917 is the first in the world to secure social rights property limitations and agrarian reform, labor rights, right to a secular education in its text. The creation of a social constitutionalism transformed the very concept of State, considerably enlarging its capacity to intervene upon reality and, at the same time, augmenting social demands and expectancies for state action. The purpose of this doctoral thesis was to describe and analyze the development of Mexican Revolution between 1910 and 1917, with particular emphasis upon juridical plans and documents ensued by the different groups that took part in it, in order to better understand the historical context that made possible the original ideas incorporated in the 1917 Constitution, especially the inclusion of social rights. Analysis of this portion of Mexican Law History shows that, by adopting the juridical form to inscribe their demands for social transformation, the distinct revolutionary parties deliberately opted for disputing the Law-form, as responsible for shaping society. They assumed that the content of future juridical rules was subject also to the result of the social struggles they had been engaged in; that this was not a battle doomed to be lost against a form necessarily contrary to their interests, but a dispute that could turn out in their favor. Moreover, analysis of the text of different plans, decrees and other revolutionary documents primary sources written in juridical language brought important elements for the understanding and interpreting of Mexican Revolution itself. The legal history which was here reconstructed contributed to shape a new way of looking to that historical period, with considerable disagreement with established historiography, particularly as regards the political evaluation of the revolutionary process. It also allowed important conclusions as to the role played by law in History, particularly in the history of revolutions.

Em 5 de fevereiro de 2017 a Constituição Política dos Estados Unidos Mexicanos completa cem anos. Corolário da Revolução Mexicana que a antecedeu, a Constituição Mexicana de 1917 é a primeira no mundo a assegurar direitos sociais regulação da propriedade e reforma agrária, direitos dos trabalhadores, direito à educação laica em seu texto. A criação de um constitucionalismo social transformou o próprio conceito de Estado, ampliando consideravelmente tanto sua capacidade de intervenção na realidade como as expectativas e demandas sociais de ação estatal. O objetivo desta tese foi descrever e analisar o desenrolar revolucionário mexicano entre 1910 e 1917, principalmente a partir dos planos e documentos jurídicos produzidos pelos diferentes grupos que dele participaram, para compreender o contexto histórico que possibilitou as formulações originais e a inclusão de direitos sociais na Constituição de 1917. A análise dessa porção da história do direito mexicano mostra que, ao adotarem a forma jurídica para escrever seus anseios de transformação social, as diferentes correntes revolucionárias mexicanas decidiram deliberadamente disputar a forma-direito que seria responsável por ordenar a sociedade. Assumiram que o conteúdo das normas jurídicas futuras estava também sujeito ao resultado da luta social que eles vinham travando. E que não se tratava de uma batalha perdida contra uma forma que lhes era necessariamente desfavorável, mas sim de uma disputa que poderia ser vencida. Além disso, a análise dos textos de planos, decretos e outros documentos revolucionários fontes primárias escritas em linguagem jurídica trouxe importantes elementos para a compreensão e interpretação da própria Revolução Mexicana. A história do direito que aqui se reconstrói contribuiu para novos olhares sobre aquele momento histórico, levando a divergências consideráveis frente à historiografia consagrada, em especial no que diz respeito à avaliação política do processo revolucionário. Permitiu também conclusões importantes acerca do papel do direito na história, particularmente na história das revoluções. / On the fifth of January, 2017, the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States celebrates a hundred years of existence. Corollary to the Mexican Revolution which preceded it, the Mexican Constitution of 1917 is the first in the world to secure social rights property limitations and agrarian reform, labor rights, right to a secular education in its text. The creation of a social constitutionalism transformed the very concept of State, considerably enlarging its capacity to intervene upon reality and, at the same time, augmenting social demands and expectancies for state action. The purpose of this doctoral thesis was to describe and analyze the development of Mexican Revolution between 1910 and 1917, with particular emphasis upon juridical plans and documents ensued by the different groups that took part in it, in order to better understand the historical context that made possible the original ideas incorporated in the 1917 Constitution, especially the inclusion of social rights. Analysis of this portion of Mexican Law History shows that, by adopting the juridical form to inscribe their demands for social transformation, the distinct revolutionary parties deliberately opted for disputing the Law-form, as responsible for shaping society. They assumed that the content of future juridical rules was subject also to the result of the social struggles they had been engaged in; that this was not a battle doomed to be lost against a form necessarily contrary to their interests, but a dispute that could turn out in their favor. Moreover, analysis of the text of different plans, decrees and other revolutionary documents primary sources written in juridical language brought important elements for the understanding and interpreting of Mexican Revolution itself. The legal history which was here reconstructed contributed to shape a new way of looking to that historical period, with considerable disagreement with established historiography, particularly as regards the political evaluation of the revolutionary process. It also allowed important conclusions as to the role played by law in History, particularly in the history of revolutions.

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No description available.