Texte remanié de : Mémoire de licence : Sciences politiques : Université de Lausanne : 2005. / Bibliogr. p. [107]-111.

<p>Terrorism. A word that makes you think about different situations throughout the last decade that has passed. However, in this particular thesis the purpose is to examine both national and international terrorism from a Clausewitzian theory. The main point is to examine whether any of these types of terrorisms can fit in to this theory and as examples in this study are the terrorist organizations ETA and al-Qaida. The questions to be answered in this paper are if their aims can be explained as political and how far are they ready to go to have their way? Furthermore, the reason for this paper is to find an understanding for why the terrorist organizations act as they do.</p><p>The result of this comparative study is that both terrorist organizations fit in to the theory because their goals can be seen as political and therefore can their aims justify their actions. However, the lack of support makes you begin to doubt about whether this is the right way or even a good way to achieve political aims. Hopefully, this enlightenment can increase our understanding and give us a guideline to how to deal with this threat of the 21^th century.</p>

This dissertation explores the composition, construction and framing of Al-Qa'ida leadership communiqués – understood as the statements, messages, interviews, written work and other output from the movement's predominant leaders: Usama bin Ladin and Ayman al-Zawahiri. The thesis argues existing research into this corpus is insufficiently rigorous, systematic and comprehensive in scope, thus failing to elucidate nuances and dynamics in the narrative of the Al-Qa'ida leadership since the movement's inception. The current study presents results from the coding of 240 communiqués produced by the two leaders from 1991 to August 2011. The analysis was informed by the literature on Collective Action Frames, which understands this material as the communicative effort of movement leaders towards identified audiences and constituents. This approach divides each message according to diagnostic, prognostic and motivational appeals contained within the narrative and assesses the impact of this collective according to its narrative fidelity (as regards the wider socio-cultural milieu), empirical credibility (in terms of consistency and continuity) and experiential commensurability (in light of experiences and realities of designated constituents). The dissemination of communiqués highlighting the values, aspirations, frustrations and grievances of Al-Qa'ida is a central objective of its leadership. This material provides the metrics to understand the way in which the movement has evolved since its formation. The leaders themselves recognise the importance of communicating with diverse audiences in this way. The longitudinal analysis of the leadership communiqués, however, found that bin Ladin and Zawahiri failed to present coherent justifications for the solutions presented or how they should be focused. Moreover, it found that the leadership failed to reflect the interests of the vast majority of Muslims, particularly in the West, and gradually denounced those it claims to represent – the Muslim ummah. This dissertation thus illustrates how Al-Qa'ida has failed as a revolutionary vanguard based on evidence garnered from a systematic and long-term analysis of the leadership's communiqués.

The aim with this study is to achieve an increased understanding and knowledge about terrorist groups. The factors that the study come to be focused around is the groups' objectives, their organization, which enemies they have and with which means that they use for there terrorism. In order to respond to this aim the four different terrorist groups, Colombian revolutionary armed forces (FARC), Baskien - our native country and our freedom (ETA), red Army fraction (RAF) and al Qaida is studied. To achieve the aim of this study the methods qualitative text analysis and comparative method is being used. It is designed also within the framework of this study a categorization model that is used as method in order to do a division of the studied groups based on their objective, enemies, organization and means. The model is also constructed to be used in order to analyze others terrorist groups than these current groups. The result of the study is presented in the categorization model on page 32 in the essay.

<p>The aim with this study is to achieve an increased understanding and knowledge about terrorist groups. The factors that the study come to be focused around is the groups' objectives, their organization, which enemies they have and with which means that they use for there terrorism. In order to respond to this aim the four different terrorist groups, Colombian revolutionary armed forces (FARC), Baskien - our native country and our freedom (ETA), red Army fraction (RAF) and al Qaida is studied.</p><p>To achieve the aim of this study the methods qualitative text analysis and comparative method is being used. It is designed also within the framework of this study a categorization model that is used as method in order to do a division of the studied groups based on their objective, enemies, organization and means. The model is also constructed to be used in order to analyze others terrorist groups than these current groups.</p><p>The result of the study is presented in the categorization model on page 32 in the essay.</p>

The purpose of this essay is to study what conditions Afghanistan and Iraq have in order to create democracy in their countries. The study is interesting in a political science perspective because it engages many scientists how democracy can be created in authoritarian states. The overall questions my study is based on are: - What are the conditions for Afghanistan and Iraq to develop democracy based on Dankwart Rustow's four democratization phases? and which of these countries Afghanistan or Iraq has bigger chance to develop democracy in its country? My approach to answering my questions has been to study Dankwart Rustow’s theory based on that the creation of democracy can be achieved by four different democracy phases: unit phase, dissolution phase, transition phase and consolidation phase. The conclusion of my study shows that Afghanistan and Iraq have the same conditions for democracy, but Iraq has come further in its democratization and has more opportunities to develop democracy in its country compared to Afghanistan. This is because Iraq has not been involved in any long term war and that Afghanistan is still in civil war with the Taliban, which prevents democratic development in their country. / Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera vilka förutsättningar Afghanistan och Irak har för att utveckla demokrati i sina länder. Studien är intressant ur ett statsvetenskapligt perspektiv eftersom det engagerar många forskare hur demokrati kan skapas i auktoritära stater. De övergripande frågeställningarna som min studie är baserad på är: -Hur ser förutsättningarna ut för Afghanistan och Irak att utveckla demokrati utifrån Dankwart Rustows fyra demokratiserings faser? och vilka av dessa länder Afghanistan eller Irak har störst möjlighet att utveckla demokrati i sitt land? Mitt tillvägagångssätt för att besvara mina frågor har varit att studera Dankwart Rustows teori, som bygger på att demokrati kan skapas utifrån att fyra olika demokratifaser uppnås: enhetsfas, upplösningsfas, övergångsfas och konsolideringsfas. Uppsatsens slutsats visar på att Afghanistan och Irak har liknande förutsättningar att skapa demokrati men att Irak har kommit längre i sin demokratisering och har större förutsättningar att kunna utveckla demokrati än Afghanistan. Det beror på att Irak inte har varit inblandat i några långvariga krig och att Afghanistan fortfarande är i inbördeskrig med talibanerna, vilket förhindrar en demokratisk utveckling i deras land.

The modern battlefield is a changing environment where new ideas and technology are being tried and implemented. One such technology that has brought recent changes to the battlefield is the Unmanned Aerial Combat Vehicles (UCAV), commonly (and often incorrectly) referred to as “drones”. UCAV can be considered the new weapon of choice to deal with irregular opponents or terrorist organisations, such as those in Afghanistan and Pakistan. However, the use of UCAV is not without contradictory elements and leads to debate. It is within this debate that this study takes foothold. This study will be analysing the debate and issues surrounding this by evaluating four contrasting variables, measuring impact through different means and aiming to increase the understanding of UACV in the field. There are several crossovers in the analysis of all four variables citing the strengths and weaknesses of UCAV provisions in conflict. The analysis, however, conclude that a sole, holistic use of UCAV strikes would not resort in a termination of threats, such as the Taliban or Al-Qaida. This means that both the positive and the negative aspects of UCAV are seen in the conflict and do not contradict one another. Regretfully, this implicates that even if the Taliban and Al-Qaida becomes less effective due to the UCAV strikes, they will not perish.

This study examines the severe conditions under which local media workers produce reports for global media outlets in conditions of war and the ways in which they cope with and respond to these challenges. I take as my case study, the diminution of the Pashtun journalist into a “fixer” for global media in the U.S.-led, so-called War on Terror (WoT). Based on my experience as a journalist as well as interviews with local Pashtun journalists, I disclose a situation in which the local journalist is compelled to risk his very life to gather news; news, which further exposes him to threats to life from the two warring sides. Precarity, in this scenario, is a fact of life, which carried serious consequences, not just for the journalist and his community, but also for what is passed off as news in global media.

<p>Aim: The study's aim and run-up are to investigate how journalists frame texts, during impact of those standards and values that they have, combined with the organization and in the nation where they work.</p><p>Method/Material: The study looks on how the authors of articles at the Swedish newspaper "Dagens Nyheter" and the Norwegian newspaper "Dagbladet", uses the concept al-Qaida, in their news rapport, during the period 19:th of mars – 24:th of august 2003. Two hundred articles were collected and divided into two groups, 1) the explicit group, there the text actu ally treated al-Qaida, 2) the implicit group, there the text e.g. linked to the name al-Qaida and the article itself treated another subject. Is it possible to see differences or resemblances, in the way that journa lists frame their texts? The main theoretical run-up is framing accor- ding to R. Entman (1993). The study works with an overall hypothesis: that it advises differences between these two countries and newspapers framing of al-Qaida.</p><p>Main results: Among the explicit articles, the newspaper "Dagbladet" distinguihes themselves most, both in the number of articles and how many times they used the concept al-Qaida. Among the implicit articles, it is the newspaper "Dagens Nyheter" that have the largest amount of articles, but it is the "Dagbladet" that mentions the concept al-Qaida more times. I therefore draw the conclusion that "Dagbladet" "refers/ mentions" al-Qaida considerable more times in their articles than "Dagens Nyheter". The reason to this is probably the cultural, indivi dual, organizational and national differences that are between the countries. And probably that Norway were a part of the Iraq coalition force's 2003.</p>

Aim: The study's aim and run-up are to investigate how journalists frame texts, during impact of those standards and values that they have, combined with the organization and in the nation where they work. Method/Material: The study looks on how the authors of articles at the Swedish newspaper "Dagens Nyheter" and the Norwegian newspaper "Dagbladet", uses the concept al-Qaida, in their news rapport, during the period 19:th of mars – 24:th of august 2003. Two hundred articles were collected and divided into two groups, 1) the explicit group, there the text actu ally treated al-Qaida, 2) the implicit group, there the text e.g. linked to the name al-Qaida and the article itself treated another subject. Is it possible to see differences or resemblances, in the way that journa lists frame their texts? The main theoretical run-up is framing accor- ding to R. Entman (1993). The study works with an overall hypothesis: that it advises differences between these two countries and newspapers framing of al-Qaida. Main results: Among the explicit articles, the newspaper "Dagbladet" distinguihes themselves most, both in the number of articles and how many times they used the concept al-Qaida. Among the implicit articles, it is the newspaper "Dagens Nyheter" that have the largest amount of articles, but it is the "Dagbladet" that mentions the concept al-Qaida more times. I therefore draw the conclusion that "Dagbladet" "refers/ mentions" al-Qaida considerable more times in their articles than "Dagens Nyheter". The reason to this is probably the cultural, indivi dual, organizational and national differences that are between the countries. And probably that Norway were a part of the Iraq coalition force's 2003.