This thesis conveys the history of reproductive politics in Oregon through the life of Dr. Jessie Laird Brodie (1898-1990). Brodie was a key figure in this history from the 1930's until the 1970's, mainly through the establishment of family planning programs through social and medical channels in Oregon and throughout Latin America. Oregon's reproductive legislation walked a fine line between conservatism and progressivism, but in general supported reproductive healthcare as a whole in comparison to the rest of the United States and Latin America. The state passed controversial contraceptive legislation in 1935 that benefited public health, but also passed eugenic laws, specifically a 1938 marriage bill, that attempted to limit specific population's reproductive control. By the time family planning was solidly rooted in the national and international sociopolitical discourse in the 1960's, due to the advent of the "pill," population control rhetoric, and the Griswold v. Connecticut (1965) Supreme Court decision, eugenic laws were virtually obsolete. Portland's history suggests that leaders in local reproductive politics sought to appeal to a diverse clientele but were restricted to the confines of federal funding mandates, specifically the war on poverty, that were fueled by postwar liberalism in an increasingly global age. The first chapter concentrates on the history of women's health and reproduction in Oregon prior to the 1960's. Dr. Jessie Laird Brodie's experiences with families in poverty during medical school in the 1920's disheartened her and motivated her to seek ways for these women to efficiently and affordably access birth control information. In response to public health concerns, she helped get positive contraception legislation passed in Oregon in the 1930's that set guidelines and restrictions for manufacture of contraceptives. This law was the first of its kind in the country and set a precedent for other states to follow. Brodie also supported a marriage bill in the 1930's that mandated premarital syphilis and psychological testing, in the hopes that it would lead couples to seek contraceptive, or "hygienic," advice from their physicians as efforts to establish a birth control clinic had failed up to this point. The second chapter focuses on Brodie's continued involvement in Oregon in the 1940's and 1950's, a period marked by a high tide of pronatalism in the U.S., and how she took Oregon's vision for women to a national and international level. Locally, she was involved with the E.C. Brown Trust, an organization dedicated to sex education, and was the President for the Pacific Northwest Conference on Family Relations, a group focused on the postwar family adjustments of higher divorce rates and juvenile delinquency. In 1947, Brodie was one of the founding members of the Pan-American Medical Women's Alliance, an organization created to provide a professional arena for women physicians throughout the Americas to discuss problems specific to women and children. Involvement with these groups helped her gain recognition nationally and in the late 1950's she served as President, and then Executive Director, of the American Medical Women's Association. Lastly, the third chapter looks at the establishment and growth of Planned Parenthood Association of Oregon (PPAO) in the 1960's under Brodie's leadership and her foray into the international establishment of family planning programs through the Boston-based Pathfinder Fund, an organization whose mission involved bringing effective reproductive healthcare to developing countries. Brodie acted as Executive Director for PPAO, where she was able to use her medical expertise and connections to bring the new organization credibility and respect throughout Oregon that they lacked before her involvement because the board was mainly comprised of a younger generation on the brink of second-wave feminism and the sexual revolution. In her career with Pathfinder she assessed the needs for family planning in Latin American and Caribbean countries and facilitated the establishment of programs in the region, largely in cooperation with the U.S. federal government and the Population Council. The conclusion offers a brief history of Dr. Brodie's continued involvement in the local and international communities beyond 1975 and the awards she received highlighting her career in the battle for effective healthcare for all women. In short, this thesis argues that legal and rights-based contestations that were prevalent in other regions of the U.S. and throughout the world were not characteristic of Oregon, allowing Brodie and PPAO to bring birth control to the state with relatively limited opposition.

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This dissertation examines the figures of the shaman and the cyborg, arguing that both act as intermediaries between the organic world of bodies and the artificial world of culture and machines. Using the sf of Robert Holdstock, David Zindell and Kathleen Ann Goonan as starting points, new forms of embodiment in the context of the cyborg and the shaman's shared narrative of radical boundary dissolution are critically and imaginatively examined. Throughout this thesis, the works of Deleuze and Guattari, Sadie Plant, Manuel De Landa, Erik Davis, Donna Haraway, Terence McKenna, and other speculative theorists who operate at the nexus of technological culture and the shamanic imagination serve as guidelines. / English Studies / M.A.

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This thesis examines attitudes toward infertility in early modern England and colonial New England from c.1620 to 1720 through infertility’s representation in contemporary medical, religious, and literary sources. This study uses an expanded definition of infertility, namely a 'spectrum of infertility', to capture the tensions that arose during periods of infertility and experiences of reproductive failure such as miscarriages, stillbirths, monstrous births, and false conceptions. A spectrum, more than a modern definition, more accurately represents the range of bodily conditions experienced by early modern women and men that indicated reproductive disorder in the body; by extension, the language of infertility expressed fears about disorder in times of social, religious, and political crisis in early modern society. The two societies' relationship was often described through reproductive language and the language of infertility appears in both societies when order - within the body, within marriages, or within and between communities - was threatened. This thesis contributes to a growing body of scholarship on infertility in early modern society by analysing its presence in communications within and between early modern England and colonial New England. It argues that understanding the English origins of the colonists' attitudes toward infertility is fundamental both to understanding the close connection between the two societies and to providing context for the colonists' perceptions about their encounters with new lands, bodies, environments, and reasons for emigration. As a result, this thesis seeks to break new ground in providing an overview of social, medical, and cultural reactions in both England and New England, demonstrating that similar language and tropes were used in both regions to communicate concerns about infertility. Exploring the interplay between the many sources addressing this health issue more accurately represents the complexity of early modern attitudes toward infertility, and the intimacy of the relationship between the fledgling New England colonies and their metaphorical Mother England.

This thesis seeks to explain Argentine and Chilean approaches to modern Pan-Americanism. It offers several significant contributions to the historiography of Pan-Americanism and Southern Cone policymaking. First, it provides a sweeping overview of Pan-Americanism as a form of regional cooperation from 1888 to 1930, gathering the various strands of Pan-American history and forming a coherent overall narrative. It introduces a two-dimensional analytical framework for understanding Pan-American cooperation as a whole. The 'first dimension' included efforts to regulate the political relationships in the Americas while the 'second dimension' was more technical, social, cultural, and commercial. Within this framework, the approaches of two participant countries (Chile and Argentina) are closely examined in parallel. Attitudes towards the US, geopolitical calculations, and economic considerations – the basis of most historical interpretations – form part of the explanation, but this thesis presents a more complicated set of actors, influences, and ideas. Inspired by the methodology of Foreign Policy Analysis and recent studies in modern regionalism, the second half of the thesis deconstructs Pan-American policies. It examines four patterns that emerged through research: changes in the organization of policymaking, the influence of non-state actors and public opinion, the rise of intermestic strands of Pan-Americanism, and the role of ideas in international relations. Each pattern is analyzed and fully substantiated using evidence selected from the narrative and supplemented by wider research. Referencing models from multiple disciplines, the chapters reveal how different actors and objectives (including stemming social crisis, gaining prestige, and demonstrating commitment to democratic governance) influenced policy at different moments. Ultimately, this thesis emphasises the interplay of factors and suggests that unpacking Pan-Americanism has implications for understanding Latin America's role in international history and modern regionalism in the Americas.

Garment sector trade unions have proved largely powerless to combat hypermobile transnational capital’s systematic extraction of surplus value from the newly industrialized Global South. Optimized conditions for accumulation coupled with the 2005 phase-out of the Multi-Fibre Agreement (MFA) have meant a radical geographic reconfiguration of the globalised garment industry heavily in favour of capital over labour. The thesis approaches the global garment sector from multiple vantage points across the world with the goal of uncovering the obstacles to workers' organisation, examine workers' strategies of resistance, and analyse the changing composition of labour and capital within the clothing commodity chain. The thesis highlights five distinct but interconnected case studies including a transnational workers campaign from a garment factory in Honduras; a history and present-day feasibility of establishing a transnational collective bargaining from El Salvador to Turkey to Cambodia; the prospects for a countermovement in the organizing strategies at the bottom of the clothing commodity and supply chain in Bangalore; the growth of a 'full package' denim manufacturer in changing the relationship between 'buyers' and 'suppliers' on the outskirts of Bangalore; and finally a continuation of this analysis the case of a strike at a monopoly footwear supplier in China. The central research question is: How do workers build power and establish workers' rights in the globally hypermobile garment sector? Ultimately, what is demonstrated within this thesis is that the actions of garment workers shaped and circumscribed the actions of capital in the sector, and as capital transformed new landscapes for accumulation new vistas for opposition begin to emerge.

Este estudo se coloca no âmbito da história das disciplinas onde investigo o lugar de inclusão e exclusão dos conteúdos sobre a história da América Latina, nas disciplinas de História nos programas curriculares do Colégio de Aplicação da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Brasil, e da Escola Superior do Comércio Manuel Belgrano da Universidade Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina. Tal estudo se localiza no contexto da política educacional dos governos militares do Brasil (1964-1984) e da Argentina (1976-1983) quando estavam em vigor a Aliança para o Progresso, a Doutrina da Segurança Nacional e a remodelação da educação proposta pela United States Agency for International Development (USAID), três políticas que explicitaram a intervenção norte-americana na América Latina. Para proceder esta análise seleciono leis brasileiras e argentinas criadas para regular nesses países a educação e o ensino, bem como os Programas Curriculares que, na época, estavam em vigor nas duas escolas. Enfoco também o lugar destinado ao ensino dos conteúdos sobre a História européia e as Histórias nacionais, do Brasil e da Argentina. Objetivo perceber a inclusão e a exclusão desses conteúdos nos programas curriculares e analisar até que ponto esse movimento de exclusão/inclusão evidenciariam um projeto de construção de uma identidade latinoamericana na política educacional dos governos militares. Para tal análise apresento uma proposta metodológica de trabalho com a História Comparada, de acordo com Marc Bloch, contrapondo em “meios sociais diferentes” fenômenos que apresentam “certas analogias”, porém também são marcados pelas especificidades. / This study covers the history of school courses. I investigate the inclusion and exclusion spots of contents on Latin America History in History courses presented in the course programs of Colégio de Aplicação at Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC), Brazil, and at Manuel Belgrano Business College at National University of Córdoba, Argentina. Such study is contextualized with the educational policy imposed by the military government in Brazil (1964-1984) and in Argentina (1976-1983) when it was in force the Alliance for the Progress, the National Security Doctrine and the education recast proposed by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) - three policies that indicated a North American intervention in Latin America. To carry this analysis, I selected Brazilian and Argentinean laws created to regulate the education and the teaching in theses countries, as well as the course programs that were, at the time, in use in both schools. I also focus on the place for the European History and for the National History contents. The objective is to find the inclusion and exclusion spots in the Programs and analyze how such inclusion/exclusion movement would be made clear as a project to build a Latin-American identity through the military government’s educational policies. For such analysis I present, according to Marc Bloch, a methodological working proposal on Compared History opposing in "different social environments" some phenomena that present "certain analogies", although they are also marked by specificities.

Em fins do século XIX um jovem empresário estadunidense fundou uma empresa exportadora de bananas na República da Costa Rica: a United Fruit Company. Mesmo que o comércio de bananas e outras frutas tropicais tenha representado apenas uma parte dos produtos exportados pelos países da América Central a exportação de café, por exemplo, sempre foi mais significativa , as companhias bananeiras foram eternizadas por diversos romancistas em alguns dos países centro-americanos em que atuaram. Este trabalho pretende mostrar a trilogia bananeira: Viento fuerte (1949), El Papa verde (1954) e Los ojos de los enterrados (1960) do escritor guatemalteco Miguel Angel Asturias, como uma possibilidade de representação da história da United Fruit Company na Guatemala. Utilizando romances como fonte histórica e realizando a articulação entre o discurso literário e o discurso histórico, a intenção é mostrar a interpretação de Asturias sobre a ação desta multinacional em seu país. Problematizando o encontro entre ambos os discursos e fazendo dialogar a informação histórica sobre o ocorrido e o tratamento literário que Asturias dá a esses mesmos fatos em sua trilogia bananeira. / In the end of the XIX Century a young American enterpreneur founded in the Republic of Costa Rica a company to export banana: the United Fruit Company. Even though the banana commerce and other tropical fruits had represented only a part of the exported products by the Central America countries the coffee export for instance has always been more significant the companies that traded bananas were eternalized by a great variety of novelists in some Central American countries were they acted. This work aims to show, as a possibility to represent the History of the United Fruit Company in Guatemala, the books that composes the Banana Trilogy: Viento fuerte (1949), El Papa Verde (1954) and Los ojos de los enterrados (1960) from the Guatemaltec writer Miguel Angel Asturias. Using novels as a historic source and accomplishing the joint between the literary and historic speech, the intention is to show the interpretation of Asturias concernig the action of this muitinational company in his country, to open debate between both speeches and to articulate the historic information and the treatment that Asturias gives to this information in his Banana Trilogy books.

As Colin Calloway has noted, American Indians have been accorded a “minimal and negative role” in historical memories of the American Revolution because – according to popular mythology – they “chose the wrong side and lost.”1 Such memories are, I argue, at least partially the result of the failure of United States Indian policies and diplomacy during the war. An examination of the Journals of the Continental Congress reveals that these policies were predicated upon the racialized notion that Indians were ‘savages’ that should be ‘civilized’ and assimilated into American society. Such policies were, I argue, the product of processes of national identity formation. In the early years of the war, American leaders eager to form a new national identity separate from that of their British ‘oppressors’ began to identify themselves with Indians as natives of the same land and thus sought to bring them into the fold of the new nation. Perhaps unsurprisingly, Indians’ attempts to preserve their own culture and independence in the face of these policies were met largely with resentment by American leaders. By doing so Indians had, American leaders believed, rejected ‘civilization.’ They were thus ‘unworthy’ of inclusion in the American nation. The removal policies that arose in the wake of the Revolution were, I argue, partially an outgrowth of this belief. By removing Indians westward, American leaders could push them out of both sight and mind while conveniently forgetting their own diplomatic failures during the war. In the process, they positioned Indians in popular American memories of the Revolutionary War as ‘savages’ that ‘chose the wrong side and lost.’ / Introduction : the wrong side : a historiography of Indians' involvement in the American Revolution -- We may become one people : the evolution of Congressional Indian policies -- The same island is our common mother : diplomacy on the Revolutionary frontier -- Civilization or death to all savages : Congress's war on the frontier -- By the aid of the full blooded natives : Indians' war for independence -- Epilogue : a civilized people : a digital analysis of the Indian Removal Act's Revolutionary inheritances. / Department of History