Gustave Cluseret est né à Paris en 1823 et mort près d’Hyères dans le Var en 1900. Il suit comme son père la carrière militaire. Sorti de Saint-Cyr en 1843, il prend part à la répression des insurgés en juin 1848.et obtient à ce titre la Croix de Chevalier de la Légion d'honneur. Mis en non activité par retrait d’emploi en mars 1850, il reprend du service dans l’armée en 1853 et participe à la guerre de Crimée et aux campagnes de Kabylie. Il est nommé capitaine. Il démissionne de l'armée française en 1858. Républicain, Cluseret s’engage dans l’Expédition des Mille en 1860 aux côtés de Garibaldi, qui le nomme colonel, puis participe à la guerre de Sécession en 1862 aux côtés des Etats du Nord. Il est alors nommé général de brigade et démissionne en 1863. Il prend part également au mouvement fénian. A la fin du Second Empire, Cluseret adhère à l’AIT. En 1870, il prend part aux communes révolutionnaires de Lyon et Marseille, puis s’engage dans la Commune de 1871 et occupe, pendant près d’un mois, le poste de délégué général à la Guerre. Condamné à mort en 1872, Cluseret s’exile en Suisse puis à Constantinople, où il mène conjointement trois activités : la peinture, le journalisme et la propagande. Son retour en France a lieu au début de l’année 1886, à La Crau dans le Var. Commence alors pour lui une carrière politique comme député, de 1888 jusqu’à sa mort. Il défend principalement les intérêts des paysans. Il crée également un journal, La Voix du Peuple du Var. Après 1889, Cluseret rompt avec l’Internationale, puis à partir de 1893, il s’éloigne des socialistes français collectivistes et s’oriente vers un socialisme nationaliste.Antidreyfusard, il finit sa vie en défendant des thèses nationalistes, teintées de xénophobie et d’antisémitisme. / Gustave Cluseret was born in Paris in 1823 and died near Hyères in the Var region in 1900. Like his father he pursued a military career. Leaving Saint-Cyr in 1843, he took part in the suppression of insurgents in June 1848, and was awarded the Croix de Chevalier de la Légion d'honneur. Removed from service in March 1850, he returned to serve in the Army in 1853 and participated in the Crimean War and the Kabylia campaigns. He was appointed captain. He resigned from the French Army in 1858. A Republican, Cluseret joined the Expedition of the Thousand in 1860 alongside Garibaldi, who appointed him colonel, he then took part in the Civil War in 1862 on the side of the Northern States. He was appointed brigadier general, and he resigned in 1863. He also took part in the Fenian movement. At the end of the Second Empire, Cluseret joined the International Workingmen's Association. In 1870 he took part in the revolutionary communes of Lyon and Marseille, then in the Commune of 1871 and served for nearly a month as General Delegate for War. Sentenced to death in 1872, Cluseret moved to Switzerland and then to Constantinople, where he pursued three different activities: painting, journalism and propaganda. Returning to France in early 1886 to La Crau in the Var Region. He embarked on a political career as a member of parliament from 1888 until his death. He mostly represented the interests of farmers. He also founded a journal, The Voice of the People of the Var. After 1889 Cluseret broke with the International, and from 1893 he distanced himself from the French socialist collectivists and moved towards anationalist socialism. Anti-dreyfusard, he ends his life defending nationalist positions tinged by xénophobie and antisemitism.

This diploma thesis focuses on the role of the American Civil War memory in the American society today. It examines this phenomenon through the perception of American Civil War reenactors. The thesis analyses their opinions on the current issues that are linked to the history of this conflict - the omnipresence of the Confederate monuments and the Confederate battle flag in the American public space. It also explores the subject of the Southern identity, the role of the Confederacy in its formation and whether the ideas of the Confederacy are still present in the South today. It is necessary to understand the Southern mentality and how it is perceived by the rest of the United States, because the individual characteristics of the Southern identity are reflected in the current debates on the Confederate heritage. An idea that interconnects the individual chapters of the thesis is that the American Civil War memory is strongly influenced by the Lost Cause ideology and the overall mythologization of the conflict. While the Civil War reenactors' main motivation is to educate society about the conflict, their opinions are also mostly supportive of the romantic perception of the Confederacy.

Of the roughly 3,500 volunteer regiments and batteries organized by the Union army during the American Civil War, only a small fraction has been studied in any scholarly depth. Among those not yet examined by historians was one that typified the western armies commanded by the two greatest Federal generals, Ulysses S. Grant and William T. Sherman. The Forty-fifth Illinois Volunteer Infantry was at Fort Donelson and Shiloh with Grant in 1862, with Grant and Sherman during the long Vicksburg campaign of 1862 and 1863, and with Sherman in the Meridian, Atlanta, Savannah, and Carolinas campaigns in the second half of the war. These Illinois men fought in several of the most important engagements in the western theater of the war and, in the spring of 1865, were present when the last important Confederate army in the east surrendered. The Forty-fifth was also well connected in western politics. Its unofficial name was the “Washburne Lead Mine Regiment,” in honor of U.S Representative Elihu B. Washburne, who used his contacts and influences to arm the regiment with the best weapons and equipment available early in the war. (The Lead Mine designation referred to the mining industry in northern Illinois.) In addition, several officers and enlisted men were personal friends and acquaintances of Ulysses Grant of Galena, Illinois, who honored the regiment for their bravery in the final attempt to break through the Confederate defenses at Vicksburg. The study of the Forty-fifth Illinois is important to the overall study of the Civil War because of the campaigns and battles the unit participated and fought in. The regiment was also one of the many Union regiments at the forefront of the Union leadership’s changing policy toward the Confederate populace and war making industry. In this role the regiment witnessed the impact of President Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. Of interest then, are the members’ views on the freeing of the slaves. Also of interest are their views on the arming of the slaves into black regiments, and on the Copperhead, anti-war movement in the Union. With ample sources on the regiment, and with no formal history of the unit having been written or published, a scholarly, modern study of the Lead Mine regiment therefore seems in order, as it would provide further insight into the Civil War from the Union soldiers’ perspective and into the sacrifices the men made in order to preserve their country.

For civilization and citizenship: emancipation, empire, and the creation of the black citizen-soldier tradition examines the origins and evolution of black military service and its relation to how black and white Americans understood citizenship from the Civil War Era to the First World War. This dissertation analyzes how different generations of black soldiers pursued full, civic citizenship through their military service and formed their own vision of citizenship rooted in military service and how the War Department sought to deal with the tensions created by a biracial Army. While it asserts that a separate, black citizen-soldier tradition linking service and citizenship emerged over the course of the nineteenth century, this dissertation argues that this tradition was informed by and rooted in American military culture and traditions. Concentrating on the nexus of American racial ideologies, War Department policies, and black aspirations for citizenship, this dissertation not only reveals the early, firm connection between military service and citizenship among African Americans, but also reveals the ironic nature of the black citizen-soldier tradition. Far from simply examining black soldier’s failures to translate their service into fuller, civil status, For civilization and citizenship analyzes the unique ways in which black soldiers resisted American racial ideologies and the rise of Jim Crow as well as the overall Americanness of black efforts to attain citizenship. In contrast to other studies’ emphasis on either direct, nonviolent or armed resistance to white supremacy, this dissertation proposes that the black citizen-soldier tradition represented a distinct, powerful form of black resistance that manifested as accommodation to American civilization’s institutions and imperial agendas while seeking to fundamentally change their meaning and ethos. As black soldiers served in the armies of the Union in the American Civil War, those of the western frontier in the postbellum era, and those of overseas empire at the end of the nineteenth century, they confirmed their status as Americans while countering the dominant racial tropes of American civilization. For citizenship and civilization reveals the links between emancipation, empire, and changing meanings of citizenship in the U.S. through the black citizen-soldier tradition.

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The Private Law of Emergency traces the development of the American law of contract in response to four emergencies that occurred between 1860-1940 – the Civil War, World War I, the 1918 pandemic, and the Great Depression. It traces the development of an idea – that the purpose of the law of contract is to preserve certain features of civil society and in this way guard against the corrosive effects of emergency on that society. The thesis explores three broad themes; first, that private law provides a means by which courts have managed the resolution of an emergency; second, that that the way courts have applied private law in response to emergency can tell us something about the true values underlying private law; and third, that the way courts have applied private law in response to emergency tells us something about the public law of emergency – and in particular, the capacity of emergency powers to affect private rights. The thesis considers these developments in the context of parallel developments in legal method – most particularly, the rise of formalism in private law – in the law of equity, and in the positioning of commerce as central to the maintenance of the legitimacy of the American constitutional system across this period. It demonstrates that these developments have suppressed the early tendency of the common law to operate as a form of emergency law.

This thesis explores the continuous British interest in the American Civil War from the war’s end to the late twentieth century and the British utilisation of the conflict at home and in the Atlantic arena. Contributing to the limited, yet burgeoning literature on the subject, this study emphasises the independent agency of both the Civil War and its British interpreters. It thus rejects a simplistic depiction of British adoption of American culture and applies a more sophisticated methodology that accounts for the active, versatile and autonomous British use of complex foreign images. This enables a meaningful analysis of the Civil War’s place and role in modern British culture. The thesis examines the British fascination with the conflict as reflected in four facets: politics, military thought, academe and popular culture. Additionally, it takes a transatlantic perspective and explores how Britons’ view of the United States has influenced their understanding of the Civil War. This study thus provides a first comprehensive and coherent overview as well as a nuanced picture of the American conflict as it travelled across the Atlantic from a historically distanced perspective. The thesis reveals that the Civil War achieved unique prominence in British culture and that this British fascination with the war was part of a greater transatlantic encounter between an epic American affair and sophisticated British interpreters. Accordingly, the two main questions underpinning this study are ‘why were the British particularly interested in the Civil War?’ and, following directly on that path, ‘how did Britons use the war both at home and in the transatlantic sphere?’ Answering these questions further establishes the war’s prominence in British culture and explores the character of the British encounter with the conflict. In so doing, it contributes to our understanding of the Civil War’s global impact and casts another light on Anglo-American relations.

The emergence of static warfare on the Western Front in late 1914, encouraged the reinvention of devices associated with siege warfare and the invention of hitherto unknown munitions. These munitions included hand and rifle grenades and trench mortars and their ammunition. At the outbreak of war, the British effectively possessed none of these devices and lacked an infrastructure by which they could be quickly designed, manufactured and supplied to the BEF. The British met this challenge with considerable success and the subsequent proliferation of trench warfare munitions had profound consequences for the evolution of British tactics on the Western Front. This thesis examines the processes by which these devices were invented, developed into manufacturable devices and supplied to the BEF. It considers their novelty in respect to similar devices from the American Civil War and the Russo-Japanese War. It looks at how their technical evolution affected tactical developments. The thesis discusses the relationship between the technical characteristics of these devices and the evolution of their tactical employment on the Western Front. It also considers how the characteristics of certain munitions, such as the Stokes mortar and the Mills grenade, directly effected tactics. It argues that the tactical employment of these munitions was dependent upon their functionality, utility and reliability. The present thesis provides a different model of trench warfare conducted by the British during the First World War and thereby demonstrates the significance of the novel munitions under discussion and the role they played in changing infantry warfare. This thesis also provides a different view of the Ministry of Munitions from that usually offered and argues that certain aspects of the Ministry’s role in providing the BEF with munitions has been overstated by virtue of its having underplayed the work of the War Office, while overlooking that conducted by the Royal Engineers in France.

This thesis examines the effect regionalism had upon North Carolina and Virginia during the 1847-1862 legislative battles over the Danville, Virginia, to Greensboro, North Carolina, railroad connection. The first chapter examines the rivalry between eastern and western North Carolina for internal improvement legislation, namely westerners’ wish to connect with Virginia and easterners’ desire to remain economically relevant. The second chapter investigates the Tidewater region of Virginia and its battle against the Southside to create a rail connection with North Carolina. The third chapter examines the legislation for the Danville Connection during the American Civil War in the Virginia, North Carolina, and Confederate legislatures. Through an examination of voting patterns and public opinion, this thesis finds that, despite Confederate President Jefferson Davis’s designation of the Danville connection as a military necessity, regionalism overcame Confederate nationalism during this instance.