This thesis explores how Anti-Japanese War Drama in Chinese TV becomes a field of negotiation in which the forces of dominant state ideology, liberal market and alternative discourses meet. Focusing how the notion of Chinese nationalism has been constructed in the negotiation, this work examines TV dramas as a homogenizing national project in which market forces and state intervention are no longer at odd with each other. By critically reading representations and narratives of bandits and women in two dramas To Advance towards the Fire and Auntie Duohe, the study points out how dominant nationalist discourses attempt to incorporate the marginalized or disadvantaged group as a consistent part of the nation. However, the anti-Japanese war dramas still allow a space for the alternative discourse to emerge which disturbs the perceived coherence of the nation. / text

The Yellow River Piano Concerto was adapted from the famous Yellow River Cantata, a grand choral work composed by Xian Xinghai in 1939, during the Japanese invasion of China. It is a very famous and important work in China and exhibits strong nationalistic characteristics. The Cantata inspired the entire Chinese nation during their defense against the largest and most brutal genocide in human history. It has since become a symbol of heroism and solidarity of all Chinese people around the world. The Yellow River Piano Concerto was composed by a group of Chinese composer-pianists in 1969 led by Yin Chengzong. All the biographies of the composers of both the Cantata and the Piano Concerto are supplied in this dissertation. The Piano Concerto consists of four movements: The Song of The Yellow River Boatmen, Ode to the Yellow River, The Wrath of the Yellow River and Defend the Yellow River. Each movement has been analyzed in terms of structure. Music examples are provided to assist in the understanding of the work. / Dissertation (MMus (Performing Art))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Music / unrestricted

More than sixty years have passed since China's Resistance War against Japan in 1937-1945 ended. Chinese people made a significant contribution to winning the victory over Japan. Chinese newspapers and magazines, especially editorials at that time, played a key role in the propaganda of the War of Resistance, boosting national morale, and exposing war crimes of Japanese aggressors. Chinese newspapers and magazines included many important incidents and issues regarding the War of Resistance. This thesis selects editorials of three representative topics: the future of the War of Resistance, the defensive combat of the Chinese nationalist army in the front lines, and the war crimes of Japanese invaders to offer a clear, concise narrative whose central themes are better reflecting and commemorating that unforgettable time from the cultural dimension.

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「中央訓練團」成立於民國二十八年，直到民國三十六年抗戰勝利後才宣告結束，其除了在重慶浮圖關設置總團部外，新疆、蘭州、武漢等地亦設有分團。而在中央訓練團成立的整整快十年期間，共開辦了三十幾個訓練班及軍官總隊，這其中除了較為人熟知的「台灣行政人員訓練班」，尚有縣政幹部、新聞幹部、音樂幹部、留日學生、人事、衛生、檔案、交通、譯電及史政人員訓練班，此外還有替「三民主義青年團」代訓的「青年幹部訓練班」，社會部主辦的「社會人員訓練班」等等。不過，中央訓練團所創立的訓練班中，最重要的莫過於舉辦過三十一期的「黨政工作人員訓練班」及非常受到外界矚目，被視為仕途終南捷徑、取得“天子門生”資格的「高級黨政人員訓練班」。據統計，整個抗戰時期受過中央訓練團重慶總團部及各地分團訓練的幹部員額，就高達十萬多人。但非常令人感到詫異的是，受訓人數如此地多、又號稱戰時國民黨專門培養其“骨幹核心份子”“中堅幹部”的中央訓練團，至今居然沒有一篇論文及專著作過相關的研究。事實上，不僅「中央訓練團」這類國民黨用來訓練幹部的機構長期為人所忽視，甚至連國民黨─標榜“以黨領政”、“訓政”中國長達二十年之政黨─的「幹部政策」包括幹部來源、培養途徑、銓選考核方式等等主題，都很少有學者作過深入探討。這對整個抗戰史或國民黨黨史的研究，無疑是個重大缺憾。因此，透過「中央訓練團」來探討戰時國民黨如何在「救亡圖存」的危局中訓練幹部，並藉由比較、評估其成效來一窺國民黨的幹部政策，正是撰寫本論文的主要動機及目的所在。

This thesis examines the deep bilateral tensions surrounding the East China Sea (ECS) disagreements between Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the period from August 19th 2003 to June 18th 2008 from an actor-centred constructivist liberal viewpoint. The East China Sea disputes could be described as a conflicting difference of opinion over a) the demarcation of maritime territory and Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) in which potentially significant energy deposits exist and b) the ownership of the strategically important and historically sensitive Pinnacle (Senkaku/Diaoyu) Islands. This research addresses the question of why, given the fact that China and Japan have a strong interest in co-operation and stable relations with each other, small incidents in the ECS blow up into larger problems, cause approaches to the East China Sea to wax and wane, and move the relationship in a direction that goes against preferred national objectives? In attempting to unravel this puzzle, this work argues that domestic politics and popular negative sentiment have been the major issues that have greatly amplified and politicised the ECS problems and have significantly affected positive progress in negotiations aimed at managing and stabilising these disputes. By examining these, the thesis addresses the question of why China and Japan have been so constrained in their attempts to find a workable bilateral agreement over disputed energy resources and demarcation in the East China Sea. It also indirectly deals with the question of why the conflicting legal complexities surrounding these disagreements contributed to both states so fervently maintaining and defending their claims.

as English abstract / Oppressed by the severe surveillance of the Japanese police in Taiwan, short-lived Taiwanese Communist Party (TCP) (1928-1931) marked a significant step in the Taiwan’s anti-Japanese movement and social thought. The TCP was the first political organization in Taiwan to put forward the slogan of Taiwan’s independence. Following the Comintern’s activation in the East in 1920s, the first contacts between the Taiwan’s leftists and the Comintern representatives took place in early 1920s. Starting from 1927, the Comintern pursued the policy of activation of the communist movement in the colonies and establishment of communist parties in these countries. Established on the Comintern directive in Shanghai with the help of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and being subordinated to the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), the TCP was developing quite independently under the leadership of Xie Xuehong and in the close alliance with the Taiwan Cultural Association and the Taiwan Peasants Union, until the end of 1930 when the TCP established a contact with the Far Eastern Bureau (FEB) of the Comintern through the TCP Shanghai representative, Weng Zesheng, who served as liaison with the Comintern. As the result, the Comintern activated its work toward Taiwan, started dispatching emissaries to Taiwan who in the framework of the Comintern’s rhetoric of that time promoted the Party’s reform to eliminate the “opportunistic errors”. The activation of the Party’s work followed, the Union for Reorganization was established. The Comintern did not have chance to adjust the activity of the reformed TCP as within few months after the beginning of actual interaction between the Comintern and the TCP, the TCP was destroyed by arrests. The thesis is devoted to the Comintern’s role in the TCP’s establishment, development, reform, establishment of the Union for Reorganization, the Party’s activation and destruction. The research is based on the TCP files deposited in the former archive of the Comintern. The documents include the correspondence of the representative of the TCP, Weng Zesheng, with the Comintern FEB. The correspondence between Weng Zesheng and the FEB sheds light on the inner-party processes in the TCP, clarifies the essence of the inner-party struggle and reform, and explores the role of personal relations in the inner-party struggle which resulted in the UFR establishment without direct involvement of the Comintern. The available now text of the consultations of Weng Zesheng with the CCP representative Qu Qiubai makes it possible to clarify the CCP’s involvement in the TCP’s development and reform and to conclude as to whose directive it was to commence the struggle against Xie Xuehong. The TCP’s history was short but very intensive. Abandoned by its superior, the JCP, and not having relations with the international communist leadership, the TCP suffered lack of the financial and ideological support, and was left for the mercy of unpredictable fate of the exhausting inner factional struggle, still was able to survive under the “white terror” until the Party’s reorganization in 1931. According to the research results, the TCP inner-party struggles during 1928-1931 were in fact the result of resistance to emigrant party groupings who were attempting to take control over the TCP’s Taiwan based Party organization. Neither the JCP and the CCP, nor the Comintern had a real opportunity to influence the activities of the Taiwan-based communists. Taiwan’s communists overseas used the Comintern’s rhetoric and their contacts with the Comintern and the CCP to promote their agenda in the inner-party struggle. The implementation of the plans of Weng Zesheng and the opponents of Xie Xuehong in Taiwan on the Party’s reform and activation led to the Party’s destruction by the Japanese administration.