Clerical sexual incontinence was a prevalent satirical theme during the Middle Ages manifested by anticlerical sentiment towards reprobate clergymen and the laws that they disobeyed. This satirical genre of literature targeted not only the cleric of a small town, but bishops and cardinals who were also abusers of canon law. The anticlerical theme originated in Western Europe in the time of Constantine when early Christianity was competing with many religions for dominance. In the fourth century, Constantine, through the Edict of Milan, granted religious tolerance to all, thus allowing Christianity to become a major religion. Clerical celibacy originated from the writings of early church fathers such as Augustine of Hippo, Origen, and Tertullian, who determined that celibacy provided greater spiritual access to God. Early patristic church fathers supported the ideal of sexual celibacy for Christians in order to spiritually overcome the other religions. In the fourth century A.D., the church demanded that the clerics remain celibate even though they were married. By the twelfth century, canonical laws demanded that clerics not marry and remain celibate. These laws initiated an extreme sexual repression of clerics who began to sexually seek women, refusing them absolution for their sins if they refused the clerics' sexual advances. The purpose of this thesis is to establish that the corrupt clerics victimized the laity, who, although fearing for their salvation, produced satirical poetry expressing their anticlerical sentiment. This thesis also will present literature that discusses the pros and cons of clerical concubinage. There are three different forms of articulation in this thesis. The first is didactic and teaches the reader by demonstrating literature that encouraged clerical celibacy. The second illustration is satirical poems with the seven deadly sins as a recurrent theme. These poems are divided into two groups: the first is the poems written by the nobility, and the second is the popular anonymous poems, sung to music for peasant entertainment. The third articulation is the proponents of clerical concubinage. This poetry reflects the human side of companionship and need during a tumultuous time when people banded together in order to survive.

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A travers le concordat et les Articles organiques l’État contrôle l’Église. En revanche, les congrégations bénéficient d’une certaine autonomie. En effet, grâce à la tolérance des pouvoirs publics pendant une bonne partie du XIXe siècle, elles se sont affranchies pour la plupart de la législation existante, dont l’application est peu à peu tombée en désuétude. A partir de 1879, les Républicains majoritaires au Parlement, veulent promouvoir les valeurs républicaines dont, à leur sens, la plus importante d’entre elles : la laïcité. Tous les politiques ont conscience de la nécessité d’octroyer une liberté d’association la plus large possible en préservant les libertés individuelles. Le principal obstacle réside dans les congrégations qui aliènent ces libertés par des vœux. Comment les inclure dans une loi d’ensemble tout en contrôlant étroitement leurs activités ? Que leur reproche-t-on ? D’une part, en raison de leur prosélytisme teinté de conservatisme, les congrégations sont soupçonnées de mettre en péril l’existence de la République naissante par leur action dans l’enseignement et tout particulièrement l’enseignement secondaire et supérieur supposé former l’élite de la nation. D’autre part, elles accaparent des biens à travers la constitution d’une mainmorte supposée très conséquente. Pendant trente ans, les nombreux gouvernements successifs tentent de légaliser le droit d’association avec une forme de reconnaissance réglementée des congrégations à travers de nombreux projets et propositions de lois qui n’aboutissent pas avant la fin du siècle. La loi du premier juillet 1901 est donc la conclusion d’un long processus d’élaboration qui conduit à une loi de liberté accolée à une loi d’exception qui exclut les congrégations religieuses du droit commun très libéral applicable aux associations civiles. / Through the Concordat and the Articles of the organic law, the Sate keeps the Church under control. In return, the congregations have the benefit of a certain autonomy. In fact, thanks to the tolerance of the authorities during a large part of the 19th century, the congregations are liberated from the majority of existing legislation, which gradually fell into disuse. From the year 1879, the Republicans, representing the majority in Parliament, want to promote the republican values, among which according to them, the most important is secularity All the politicians are aware of the necessity of granting the widest possible freedom of association, while preserving individual liberties. The main obstacle to this lies with the congregations who alienate these liberties because of the monastic vows. How to include them in a general law yet keep a tight control of their activities ? What are they blamed for ? On the one hand, because of their proselytism tinged with conservatism, congregations are suspected to put in peril the newly born Republic due to their action in education, especially in secondary classes and superior ones expected to form the elite of the nation. On the other hand, they monopolize goods by establishing a probably important mortmain. For thirty years, the successive governments tried to legalize the right of association with a type of controlled recognition of the congregations via many projects and propositions of laws which led to something only at the end of the century. The law passed on the first of July 1901, is thus the conclusion of a long process of elaboration which led to a law of freedom coupled with an exception which excludes religious congregations from very the liberal common law applied to civil associations.

Cette étude, qui ne cherche par l’exhaustivité, se présente plutôt comme un « état des lieux », à l’échelle départementale, de l’impact des relations Église/État sur l’opinion. Elle décrit les prises de position, les réactions et des démarches pour ou contre la politique de l’État face à l’Église durant plus de vingt-cinq ans. La période étudiée, qui s’étend de 1900 à 1926, débute à la mise en place des lois contre les congrégations religieuses et des mesures de laïcisation de l’espace public qui font suite à la politique anticléricale largement entamée au cours du siècle précédent. Elle se termine avec la condamnation de l’Action française par le Vatican et la fin du Cartel des Gauches. Elle passe également par la loi de Séparation de l’Eglise et de l’Etat de 1905 et par la Première Guerre mondiale, quand les curés devinrent frères d’armes. L’Hérault apparaît comme un département contrasté, à forte composante anticléricale mais où la religion garde néanmoins toute sa place. En effet, dans ce département réputé appartenir au « Midi rouge » et qui aurait dû, si on se fie à cette « image d’Epinal », soutenir dans son ensemble la politique anticléricale du gouvernement radical-socialiste, la résistance a pu parfois atteindre la passion et présenter les mêmes péripéties que dans des régions réputées de tradition catholique et conservatrice. / This study is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather a description of the impact of the relations between Church and State on public opinion in the Hérault department. It presents the various stances, reactions and steps taken in favour of, or against, state policies concerning the Church over a period of more than twenty-five years. The period investigated, between 1900 and 1926, starts with the enactment of the laws against religious institutions and the measures taken to secularise the public domain, following on from the anticlerical policies begun during the previous century, and ends with the condemnation of “Action Française” by the Vatican and the demise of the “Left Wing Cartel”. It also includes the separation of Church and State in 1905 and World War I, during which priests served in the French army. There were marked differences of belief in the Hérault department where there was not only a strong anti-clerical movement but also great importance attached to religion. For, in this department, well-known as a “red” department, resistance to the above measures could reach passionate heights similar to those in some areas known for their Catholic and conservative traditions.

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Through a diplomatic transcription and contextualisation of two poems from Geistliche und Weltliche Poemata (1650) by Anna Ovena Hoyer (1584-1655) it is suggested that two contexts are highly relevant and fruitful for understanding the polemical nature of the Early Modern Era. The two examined contexts are anti-clericalism  ̶  the negative stance towards Lutheran clergymen  ̶  and the conditions for writing as a female in Early Modern times. By offering comments and providing information regarding these two contexts, it is demonstrated how they successfully explain and motivate how a lay uneducated poetess develops rhetorical strategies to express radical criticism of the discourse of Lutheran clergymen. Notably, the authors of the two poems, Werdenhagen and Hoyer, legitimise a morally superior poetess by constructing a feminine authority derived analogously from the story of Martha and Mariam in the Bible. Furthermore, Hoyer uses this claim of being a mouthpiece for godly wisdom to delegitimise the bookly and rational knowledge acquired in the universities by the Lutheran clergymen. By using the politically charged term “der gemeine Mann”, she appeals to the political defeats of the great majority of laymen in the Early Modern Era. In her polemic against the Lutheran clergymen, it is implied that the expected silent subservience of the laymen towards the clergymen is problematic, since the clergymen due to their blind faith in bookly knowledge are neither righteous nor Christian. Thus, it is suggested that the examined pieces of poetry could be understood as radical criticism of the Lutheran social model. / Genom en diplomatisk utgåva och kontextualisering av två dikter från Geistliche und Weltliche Poemata (1650) av Anna Ovena Hoyer (1584-1655) föreslås två kontexter som särskilt relevanta för att förstå den tidigmoderna tidens prägling i polemiken. Dessa två undersökta kontexter är antiklerikalismen - den negativa attityden gentemot lutherska kyrkomän - och villkoren för att skriva som kvinna i tidigmodern tid. Genom att bidra med kommentarer och information kring dessa två kontexter påvisas att dessa framgångsrikt kan förklara vilka retoriska strategier som den outbildade poeten använder för att rikta en radikal kritik mot lutherska kyrkomän. Det är anmärkningsvärt att de två diktarna Hoyer och Werdenhagen legitimerar bilden av en moraliskt överlägsen diktande kvinna genom att konstruera en feminin auktoritetsfigur ur berättelsen om Marta och Mariam i Bibeln. Därutöver använder Hoyer denna konstruktion av att vara Guds språkrör och förmedlare av vishet för att avfärda kyrkomännens rationalism och bokkunskap som de fått från sin universitetsutbildning. Genom att använda den politiskt laddade termen "gemene man" hänvisas implicit till tidigmoderna politiska förluster för den stora icke-klerikala allmänheten. I polemiken kritiseras dessutom att den tysta lydnaden till kyrkomännen hos den icke-klerikala allmänheten är problematisk, då kyrkomännen till följd av sin blinda tro på bokkunskap varken är rättfärdigade eller kristna. Därigenom föreslår analysen att den undersökta poesin kan förstås som en radikal kritik av den lutherska socialmodellen.