Recent population estimates from 2018 have placed Delhi as the second most populous urban agglomeration, and it is set to become the most populous urban area by 2030 in the world. The region’s expansion is far from complete. The visible growth in the last decades is intuitively experienced by the city’s inhabitants and commuters who travel from nearby areas in the form of congestion. Also, in the last two decades, the growth of Metro Rail network has been a part of that visible expansion. At its inauguration in 2002, it symbolized a solution for easing the congestion of vehicles on Delhi’s roads, and it demonstrated the possibility of implementing a transportation system in India comparable to those in other rapidly growing economies. Since then, Delhi Metro Rail (DMR) has expanded to a network length of 389 kilometers with 285 stations. A larger legacy of DMR is in spurring similar projects in other Indian cities. Prior research examining the impact of DMR has speculated that its development strategy may have triggered new ways of deriving value from land and property markets and played a role in neighborhood transformation processes. Are these speculations about land use and property change indeed correlated with the rapid development of transit systems? Furthermore, are these impacts similarly seen in all parts of DMR's network?This dissertation empirically examines the magnitude of urban changes in the context of new transit development with a well-founded understanding that the announcement and construction of the new transportation systems are two critical junctures to understanding the process of spatial fragmentation and neighborhood transformation in emerging mega-urban regions. The research questions considered are: RQ1. How did various actors and decisions shape the trajectories of urban transportation development in Delhi? What is the role of Metro Rail development in producing a World-Class city? RQ2. How has the land cover and land use changed in the past two decades? What prominent patterns of land transformations can be seen from urbanization phenomena? RQ3. How do transportation and land development change land markets? What are the effects of proximity and access? In this study, I use a spatial and temporal approach to investigate the transportation-land connection framed around the development trajectory of DMR. I utilize multiple techniques, including remote sensing classification, data analysis and analysis of historical materials, and land market analysis to understand the making of this urban agglomeration. The main findings are as follows: First, the impact of transportation development is mixed. Peripheral cities have seen more land transformation due to metro rail development than the core (Delhi -NCT). Second, due to the ease of access to the land, cities in the study area have expanded horizontally outwards. Land built or absorbed in the urban boundaries has been derived from agricultural land holdings. Thus, the question of access needs to be revisited. Lastly, masterplans and State actors play a critical role in the land transformation process. Together, they have shaped the land use configurations in Delhi and its peripheries. This study contributes to the broader understanding of the process of transportation-led urbanization and the more-than-accessibility impact of metro-rail systems in shaping land systems. Findings from this study will be useful to understand the impact of mass rail transit systems, developed in the style of DMR, on other urban geographies in India. / Geography

This study analyzes United States foreign policy toward Communist China in the transitional period since 1966, based on the American China experts' writings in journals dealing with international affairs and their views expressed in Congressional hearings. The contents explain the changing of American policy toward China from "containment without isolation" toward a rapprochement with Peking and progress toward normalization. The achievement of normalization has been a basic policy goal of the United States and has received bipartisan support, but the formula to accomplish normalization still remains obscure, due mainly to the settlement of the "Taiwan question." The essay includes four parts: (1). The introduction provides a general review of United States policy toward Peking since the establishment of the People's Republic of China; (2). Chapter I analyzes and explains the reasons for the Nixon Administration seeking a new approach to Peking; (3). Chapter II reports on American and Chinese signals of their willingness to pursue rapprochement and improve their relations; (4). Chapter III describes the American normalization process with China since the 1972 Shanghai Communique and the obstacles to the development of normalization; (5). Chapter IV concludes with speculation on future United States policy toward China.

The overall purpose of this study is to assess various market-based versus aid based approaches to financial autonomy for Dalit women in rural India and the goals and assumptions of the multiple stakeholders involved in each method (mainly, national and international NGOs, the state, and micro-finance organizations). I argue that approaches to income generation such as entrepreneurship, capital investment, and skill building, are based on similar objectives of economic agency, but ultimately lend to different results because of their varying assumptions about “women’s empowerment.” By separating these approaches into three methods of income generation based on their objective to promote either wages, labor, or capital, the political incentives of each stakeholder becomes more clear. The research presented in my literature review ultimately led me to predict that for Dalit women in India to experience financial autonomy, wage labor that produces immediate outcomes is a more viable route to overall empowerment than entrepreneurship due to its cultural constraints women fact. However, after analyzing my comparative case studies which focused on three different methods of handicraft and textile production facilitated through state, institutional, private stakeholders, I began to see how a a multiple-income generating approach, such as combining the resources of NGOs, micro-finance, and the state, reduces caste and gender barriers to entrepreneurship. Through a feminist and Marxist analysis, I assess the problems that occur when actors determine a blanket approach to empowering all women without considering their diverse contexts, and more specifically, how different identities and standpoints work to inform and oppress notions of empowerment. My interviews with experts in the field have led me to recommend that methods of income generation facilitated through grassroots Self Help Groups is the best way for rural, Dalit women to women to achieve economic agency.

This thesis explains how national media shape Indian foreign policy toward Pakistan. I use empirical research to explore the contribution of national media to the formulation of policy during the 1999 Kargil War and 2001 Agra Summit between India and Pakistan. I created a database of news articles in the leading national English newspapers—The Times of India and Hindustan Times and then coded and analyzed them. I analyze the media’s role by identifying trends in media strategies such as framing, agenda setting, and manufacturing consent. In addition, I analyze government documents and parliamentary debates to gather information on the policy processes and on government- media relations. I suggest that the media’s role in shaping policy depends on the level of internal dissent, understood as disagreement between the government and the opposition parties. I argue that national dissent allows the media to emerge as an independent actor, influencing the formulation of foreign policy by presenting their own opinions and policy suggestions. This was the case during the Agra Summit. On the other hand, as seen in the case of the Kargil War, during times of national consensus, the media echo the government’s voice and garner public support for the government’s actions. As such, this thesis contributes to existing scholarship and primary fieldwork by providing an original analysis of the intersection of media and foreign policy.

The Obama Administration’s Pivot to Asia policy was a grand shift in focus for U.S. foreign policy and sought to lay the foundation of U.S. policy in the region for the future. This paper derives three fundamental assumptions that the Pivot policy was based upon, from the articulations of the main architects of the Pivot Policy: former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and former National Security Advisor Tom Donilon. These assumptions are as follows, pivoting to the Asia-Pacific will be beneficial to the U.S., engagement with China is central to the Pivot policy and the policy is not an effort to contain China, and finally the draw down in the Middle East will happen and the Pivot policy cannot happen without this draw down. Then, this paper assesses whether they were realistic to presume. It is found that the foundation of the Pivot policy was sound, but certain actions by they Obama Administration undermined these assumptions and overall hurt the effectiveness of the Pivot policy.

Organizations, including the military and their managers, have used transformational leadership for over 30 years to increase job satisfaction. The purpose of this correlation research study was to determine whether a relationship existed between transformational leadership and job satisfaction among retired Army noncommissioned officers who had rejoined the military workforce in South Korea. The research question was grounded in a synthesis of theories concerning transformational leadership and job satisfaction. The Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire (MLQ5X), the Job Descriptive Index (JDI), and Job in General (JIG) scales were used to gather data from 141 participants. Univariate analyses were used to document that MLQ5X transformational leadership subscale scores were high among the participants, and that they were satisfied with their jobs along all JDI/JIG subscales, except opportunity for promotion. Linear regression analysis and the chi-square test of independence were used to test associations between MLQ5X and JDI/JIG scores. The results from the linear regression indicated no significant relationship existed between transformational leadership and job satisfaction. To compensate for violations of parametric assumptions, a chi-square test was conducted with MLQ5X and JDI/JIG scores recoded into high/low transformational leadership and 3 levels of satisfaction (dissatisfied, undecided, satisfied). A significant association between transformational leadership and job satisfaction was observed. The combined results contributed to the conclusion that transformational leadership can contribute to job satisfaction, but that it can also lead to dissatisfaction if organizational conditions do not support the approach. The study contributes to positive social change by inform planning to improve higher morale and increased productivity among soldiers.

The ubume is a ghost of Japanese folklore, once a living woman, who died during either pregnancy or childbirth. This thesis explores how the religious and secular developments of the ubume and related figures create a dichotomy of ideologies that both condemn and liberate women in their roles as mothers. Examples of literary and visual narratives of the ubume as well as the religious practices that were employed for maternity-related concerns are explored within their historical contexts in order to best understand what meaning they held for people at a given time and if that meaning has changed. These meanings and the actions taken to avoid becoming an ubume and to avoid interacting with one create a metanarrative that contributes to our understanding of the historical experience of women.

This dissertation analyzes the appropriation of the political theory "soft power" within Japanese national bureaucracies as a discursive mechanism through which anxious concerns for Japan's present are manufactured into hopeful sentiments for its future. In doing so, it examines how certain nonconscious capacities to feel, affects , are made knowable in more formally narrated and perceived sentiments, emotions . These terms constitute the two sides of what I call the affect-emotion gap , whereby the slippages between what one feels and what one knows about what one feels are made into sites of political and economic investment. Based on two years of fieldwork conducted at the major national bureaucracies engaged with cultural diplomacy and policy in Japan--the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Agency for Cultural Affairs, the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, and the Japan Foundation--I observe how soft power ideologies are translated into administrative policies that seek to turn aesthetic production, specifically within the field of Japanese popular culture, into political resource. Ultimately, I argue that the uneasy accommodation of soft power ideology to everyday bureaucratic practice reveals a contradictory movement in which soft power is at once delegitimized as practical policy and activated as discursive ideology which, in suturing economic anxiety in the present to hope for Japan's culture industries in the future, nonetheless sustains soft power's circulation.

This thesis examines the evaluation of the economic, environmental and social effects of dams, and lessons learned from previous dams. It then focuses on cost benefit analysis as a decision-making tool pre-project for evaluating the potential gains and losses of building a dam; and as a framework for evaluating dams in operation. It reviews the basic assumptions required for a legitimate cost benefit analysis, and the inherent limitations of this method. It uses the Sardar Sarovar dam as a case study for the use and abuse of cost benefit analysis in decision-making, interstate politics, propaganda and activism. It also illustrates the difficulties in dividing costs and benefits in an equitable manner at national, state, and grassroots levels.

This dissertation is intended to serve as a thorough examination of a particular debate between Lho pa Thugs rje dpal and Rong ston Shakya rgyal mtshan (1367-1449). According to the colophon of this medieval Tibetan debate record, which also appears to be the only currently surviving medieval Tibetan debate record in Tibetan literature, this debate took place in Sa skya and was recorded by both debaters' disciples without bias. The date of this debate was sometime between 1388 and 1393 during Rong ston's first visit to the Gtsang area.