This study sought to explore the leadership styles and theories employed throughout the existence of the National Association for Stock Car Auto Racing (NASCAR). The research examines the decision process and subsequent outcomes, exploring how they ultimately affected the business and trajectory of the sport. NASCAR is the product of unique and specific characteristics of racing enthusiasts who turned their passion into an international empire. This illustrates how leadership styles, specifically dictatorial leadership, successfully managed decisions of the business. Through the use of qualitative research to review historical accounts of events, this study strives to explain how leadership guided the business from small beginnings to a worldwide phenomenon. Data collected included document review, observations, and an interview. Synthesis of the data showed that each of the four primary leaders (Bill France Sr., Bill France Jr., Brain France, and Jim France) used the autocratic/dictatorial leadership style as they directed the sport. Historical evidence shows that this style of leadership was required to build the sport and move it to its current recognized level. Recommendation for further study encourage future scholars to revisit the long-term impact of Brian France’s leadership once more time has passed since his negatively charged removal from the leadership position. Researchers would need to also examine the leadership of Jim France because at the time of this study he has been in his leadership position for less than two years.

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Background: Automation deployment is an innovative solution for organisations andbusinesses to improve efficiency and increase value. This study examines the impact ofleadership, learning culture and willingness to automation deployment and, therefore,organisational performance. Two types of leadership styles, participative and autocratic, havebeen selected to analyse their impact on the promotion and deployment of innovative solutionslike automation. The method to measure the success of the organisational performance wasbased on internal improvements of the team's efficiency and productivity using automated tools.An explanatory study was conducted using a questionnaire shared with 242 professionals in theICT industry in Europe to verify our hypotheses. Objectives: The objective of this study was to investigate whether leadership, learning cultureand employees’ willingness to change affect the automation deployment and how the latterimpacts the organisational performance. Methodology: A quantitative case study based on an online questionnaire using Google formshas been formed to collect data for analysis. Two multivariate regression models have beendeveloped to evaluate the 77 responses collected from the participants with familiarity andexposure to the automation technology. Results & Conclusions: The results align with the existing literature in the fields of innovation,organisational culture, and performance. More specifically, we discovered that the autocraticstyle negatively affects the automation deployment (B=-2.89, p=0.008), while learning culture(B=0.38, p=0.001,) and willingness to change (B=0.8, p=0,) could be considered as enablerssince both found with positive coefficients. Moreover, the automation deployment has beenidentified as a significant variable that affects organisational performance (B=1, p=0).Additionally, the findings from both models are underpinned by the existing literature provingtheir validity. Recommendations for future research: Future work could be focused on including otherleadership styles, such as transformational or entrepreneurial, to examine the impact onautomation deployment and organisational performance. Additionally, the performance couldbe evaluated based on the final service or product of the company, considering customers'feedback or financial terms. Last but not least, expanding the research to other organisationsthat are considering or have already deployed automation would shed more light on the effectto the organisational performance.

The Covid-19 pandemic accelerated the adoption of remote work out of necessity, leading many organizations to reevaluate their traditional office-centric work models. As a result, businesses and employees alike became more comfortable with remote work arrangements, paving the way for the widespread acceptance of the hybrid work model even after the pandemic subsides. While the hybrid model offers numerous advantages by blending both office and remote work, its drawbacks and challenges remain largelyunexplored.Especially managers are facing challenges as their traditional approaches to lead and influence their employees may prove less effective in this new dynamic environment. Consequently, there is a pressing new for managers to comprehend these challenges, equipping themselves with new skills sets to thrive. Additionally, they must innovate new methods to inspire and motivate employees within their team, ensuring the organizations attains its objectives in this evolving environment. The purpose of this thesis is to gain insights on how leader behavior affects employees in the hybrid work environment as well as contributing to the limited existing research in this field. To fulfil the purpose, the following research question has been developed: What impact do different leadership styles have on the motivation of employees in a hybrid work environment? By investigating this research question, we will delve into the impacts of autocratic, democratic and laissez faire leadership on employee motivation in the hybrid model. To explore the relationships between leadership styles and employee motivation in this work environment a survey has been conducted that aims to provide data required to answer the stated research question. Through the analysis of collected data, we have been able to conclude that leadership styles indeed do have an impact on employee motivation in a hybrid work environment. Furthermore, the empirical findings indicate that some leadership styles correlate with positive motivational outcomes while others exhibit negative motivational outcomes. These findings offer valuable practical implications for managers operating within hybrid work environments as well as for the broader organizational context.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanessa de Mattos.pdf: 502592 bytes, checksum: 104dee77adaadd741c79104c1e1005c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-19 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation aims to analyze the performance of extermination group titled as Death Squads who worked in Sao Paulo during the period 1968 to 1972. We seek to understand the relationship that these groups have established between the Brazilian State, with repressive organs and with the segments of the ruling classes. Acting during the period severe violence - military dictatorship - is accentuated when the bias of the Bonapartist of Brazil, was part of the repressive system, and had a double function: elimination of persons indicted by the State as subversive, and this potentially dangerous condition. The impunity that leads them to get involved with people linked the contravention social, particularly accused of drug trafficking. The executions that these promoted officers in the persecution of opponents of the military dictatorship, as well extend, to the universe of so-called ordinary crime. The observed pattern of institutional violence expresses not simply the arbitrariness of police, but the very logic os a State headed by Bonapartism autocrat. To develop this study, we used DOPS documents listed in the State Archive of São Paulo and documents donated by Dr. Hélio Pereira Bicudo / A presente dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar a atuação dos grupos de extermínio, os Esquadrões da Morte, que atuaram em São Paulo durante o período de 1968 a 1972. Buscamos entender a relação que esses grupos estabeleceram com o Estado brasileiro, com os órgãos repressivos e com os segmentos de classes dominantes. Atuantes durante o período de violência acentuada ditadura militar, momento em que se acentuava o viés bonapartista do Estado brasileiro , os Esquadrões da Morte integravam o sistema repressivo e tiveram uma dupla função: eliminação de pessoas acusadas pelo Estado como subversivos e, nessa condição potencialmente perigosa. A impunidade que adquirem os leva à se envolver com pessoas vinculadas a contravenção social, particularmente acusadas de tráfico de drogas. As execuções sumárias que estes policiais promoviam nas perseguições aos opositores da Ditadura Militar se estendem assim, para o universo do denominado crime comum. O padrão observado de violência institucional expressa não a arbitrariedade de simples policiais, mas a lógica mesma de um Estado capitaneado pelo bonapartismo autocrata. Para o desenvolvimento deste estudo utilizamos documentos do DOPS, constantes do Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo e também documentos cedidos pelo Dr. Hélio Pereira Bicudo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodolfo Costa Machado.pdf: 11712226 bytes, checksum: fb00c09ad128842ef9d94d528414501e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-24 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation searches to understand the indissoluble connection between the historic activity of Alfredo Buzaid (1914-1991) and his specific bourgeois-autocratic ideology, understanding the formative period of Buzaid s thought outlined by Plínio Salgado s Brazilian Integralism and explaining the role of Buzaid (beside the Law School of University of São Paulo) in the conspiracy of Ipês complex (Institute for Research and Social Studies). His emphatic Christian anti-communism is closely examined beneath juridical basis, and the CCC (Command of Communist Hunting) agents, but mainly under the social function accomplished by Buzaid while Minister of Justice of the dictator Emílio Médici (1969-1974). Pursuing the so called ―internal enemies‖ of the self-named Brazilian Democratic Revolution of 1964, the State s autocratic ideologist managed the official denial about the crimes against humanity perpetrated by the last Brazilian Bonapartist dictatorship. In this context, Buzaid coordinated the production of the ‗Book of Truth (1970), although it has never been published. After the Ministry of Justice, during The Cold War international disputies, Alfredo Buzaid engaged his anti-communist militancy on the ―Brazilian Chapter‖ of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), presided by the official brazilian banker of Condor Operation. With the statutory ontology of Karl Marx, this dissertation is based on the achievements of José Chasin about the Military Dictatorship of 1964-1985 as a particular way of Brazilian s bonapartism (this means the bourgeoisie s indirect dominance). We also apprehend the bonapartist Buzaid s world view in the larger context of ‗1964 Ideology , in fact, ‗the rulers of the ‗atrophic capital that, under Médici, established as tenets the ‗accelerated development based upon on official terrorism , according to Antonio Rago Filho. In accord with the historic-immanent critic, the Law s ideology of Buzaid and his conception of law ―science‖ were systematized as processual technique able to carry out the rational Administration of the State s Justice. The rationalization and technicalization of the Judiciary and the process, as well as the mutual implications between Democracy and Process, were outlined by Buzaid to build the Judiciary s autocracy into rationalizing standard for the political representation supported by the others suffraged State Powers, intending to ―save‖ de democracy from the common people. Therefore, the autocratic-technician reason as criterion for the highest state charges to repress the ―auspicious phenomenom of common people s rising‖. It is possible to grasp Buzaid s engagement at a social democracy type based on the Catholic Church s doctrine, the turning point when he contradictorily ―demonizes‖ the bourgeois technician and rationality that has made the world unsacred. Finally, we have examined the bonapartist ideology of Buzaid that supported the permanent bourgeois counter-revolution of 1964-1985. After the development of a spiritualist conception of human being, of history, State, Government, Law and its positive laws, Alfredo Buzaid has defended the establishment of a brazilian―real democracy‖, anti-communist and anti-liberal State of Justice, setting his ultra-reactionary class position at the conflict Christianity versus Marxism and atheism. Buzaid turns Camões into a medieval character and becomes an apologist of the Empire s demiurges of 1822, appearing as an anachronistic chronicler of State s greatest man. Buzaid has also ascribed the spiritualist conception of human being to the political philosophy of the 1964 counter-revolution s State of Justice, assigning with Christian ethic and morality institutionalized against the atheist communism. At last, the bourgeois counter-revolutionary constitutional law in Brazil is taken as particularity of bonapartist ideology and its accelerated economic development combined with maximum national security. Rationalization and technicalization appear, to Alfredo Buzaid, as technical-autocratic reason hostile and averse to political control exerted by the universal and direct suffrage, the bourgeois political domination kind wich is typical of classic European capitalist modernity. His processual judiciary reason represents one step behind concerning to the bourgeois classic parliamentary politic reason, expressing Buzaid s world view, in the historic praxis, the bourgeois-autocratic vocation of jurists and legal technicians able to regressively ―spiritualize‖ dictatorships and State s terrorisms, serving the great capital / Este trabalho busca compreender a articulação entre a atividade histórica de Alfredo Buzaid (1914-1991) e sua particular ideologia autocrático-burguesa, percorrendo seus anos formativos no integralismo pliniano e seu engajamento (ao lado da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade de São Paulo) na conspiração do complexo Ipês (Instituto de Pesquisas e Estudos Sociais). Seu acendrado anticomunismo cristão, aqui, é entrelido com as raízes jurídicas e os agentes do CCC (o Comando de Caça aos Comunistas) e, sobretudo, na função social cumprida historicamente como Ministro da Justiça do general-presidente Emílio Médici (1969-1974). Perseguindo os incriminados ―inimigos internos‖ da autodesignada Revolução Democrática Brasileira de 1964, o ideólogo autocrata de Estado cogestou, consequentemente, o desmentido oficial dos crimes de lesa-humanidade da última ditadura bonapartista brasileira, produzindo (sem publicá-lo) seu Livro da Verdade (1970). Após o ministério, nos embates internacionais da dita Guerra Fria, engajou sua militância anticomunista no ―Capítulo Brasileiro‖ da Liga Mundial Anticomunista (WACL, na sigla em inglês), presidida pelo banqueiro oficial da Operação Condor. Com base nos lineamentos ontológicos da filosofia de Karl Marx, amparamo-nos naquilo avançado por José Chasin na apreensão da ditadura militar de 1964-1985 como uma forma particular de bonapartismo brasileiro (isto é, domínio indireto da burguesia), bem como entrelemos a visão de mundo buzaidiana, propriamente bonapartista, no contexto maior da Ideologia 1964, conforme Antonio Rago Filho, chamada a cumprir a função histórico-social de gestores do capital atrófico, no medicismo, pela aliança de crescimento econômico acelerado com terrorismo oficial. Conforme crítica histórico-imanente, sistematizou-se a ideologia do direito de Buzaid e sua concepção de ―ciência‖ jurídica enquanto técnica processual apta a exercer a Administração racional da Justiça de Estado. A racionalização e tecnicização do Poder Judiciário e do processo, bem como as implicações recíprocas entre Democracia e Processo, foram delineadas por Buzaid de modo a erigir a autocracia do Judiciário em padrão racionalizador à representação política sufragada presente nos demais Poderes de Estado, propugnando, tecnicamente, a necesidade de ―salvar‖ a democracia burguesa das massas. A razão técnico-autocrática como critério e parâmetro às altas funções do Estado para conter e ―pacificar‖ o auspicioso fenômeno da ascensão das massas. Notou-se aí seu engajamento em espécie de democracia social ancorada na doutrina da Igreja Católica de Roma, momento em que contraditoriamente ―demoniza‖ a racionalidade técnica burguesa que dessacralizou o mundo ocidental. Finalmente, esquadrinhou-se a ideologia bonapartista de Buzaid entretecida em defesa da contrarrevolução burguesa permanente de 1964 e sua ideologia oficial de Desenvolvimento e Segurança Nacional. Nutrindo-se de uma concepção espiritualista do ser humano, da história, do Estado, da política, do direito e de suas leis positivas, salientou-se a pugna de Buzaid por uma Democracia real brasileira e por um Estado de Justiça antiliberal e anticomunista, bem como sua posição de classe arquiconservadora na luta entre Cristianismo versus Marxismo e ateísmo. ―Medievalizando‖ Camões, constituindo-se como apologeta dos ―demiurgos‖ do Império escravagista de 1822, despontando como anacrônico cronista dos grandes homens de Estado, Buzaid atribuiu uma concepção espiritualista do ser humano à filosofia política do Estado de Justiça ditatorial, em nome da permanência da contrarrevolução burguesa de 1964. Nutriu-a de ética e moral cristãs institucionalizadas contra o ateísmo comunista. Enfim, o contrarrevolucionário direito constitucional burguês, sumariado por Buzaid, é apreendido como particularidade integrante da ideologia bonapartista do Desenvolvimento Acelerado com Máxima Segurança Nacional. Racionalização e tecnicização pressupõem, pois, uma ratio técnico-autocrática hostil e alheia ao controle eleitoral exercido pelo sufrágio universal, modo clássico de dominação política burguesa da modernidade europeia capitalista. Sua razão judiciária processual é um passo atrás em relação à clássica razão política burguesa de outrora, expressando Buzaid, na práxis histórica, a vocação autocrático-burguesa de juristas e técnicos legistas capazes de ―espiritualizar‖, regressivamente, ditaduras e terrorismos de Estado, a serviço do grande capital

Title from PDF of title page. / Document formatted into pages; contains 184 pages. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of South Florida, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. / Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format. / ABSTRACT: This experimental study used eight written vignettes to analyze the effects of professor gender, professor leadership style (democratic/autocratic), and type of situation (task/personal) and participant gender on evaluations of professors&softsign; competence, likeability and masculinity characteristics. Undergraduates from the College of Arts and Science (N=932; Males=464, Females=467), and the College of Education (N=722; Males=140, Females=582) were used. Results indicated that research participants rated democratic professors significantly more competent, likeable, and more feminine than autocratic professors. / ABSTRACT: Contrary to expectations derived from gender spill-over and gender congruency theories, male participants did not rate female professors more negatively than their male counterparts when they acted autocratically in a personal situation (i.e., gender incongruent manner.) Exploratory results revealed trends that are discussed along with theoretical and practical implications. / System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader. / Mode of access: World Wide Web.

This study will try an hypothesis built on Machiavellis principles of power and examine the position of Machiavellis importance in the world of today. The hypothesis contains principles of Machiavellis thoughts on power and is ment to be used as an analytical tool to understand the downfall of totalitarian leaders. The hypothesis gains strength from this study due to the fact that it could explain the fall of Colonel Gaddafi and may even have predicted the downfall of Muammar Gaddafi based on the violation of several of the principles that built up the hypothesis. The hypothesis however, needs more testing to be able to be accepted as a generalization. The importance of Machiavelli and his school of thought is strengthened by the fact that the principles shown in the hypothesis are viable and the fact that Machiavelli still contributes to discussion on modern principles of power. Through the glasses that are the hypothesis we get a clear picture that tells us why Colonel Gaddafi got overthrown; He simply pushed the people to far.

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Datum: 2024-05-29  Nivå: Kandidatuppsats i Företagsekonomi, 15 hp  Institution: Akademin för Ekonomi, Samhälle och Teknik, Mälardalens Universitet  Författare: Valeria Calles    Selma Migchelsen     Emilia Shafipour            (00/08/30)         (01/09/05)                    (02/10/27) Titel: Skillnader i Ledarskapsstilar mellan Manliga och Kvinnliga Ledare inom Organisationer: En kvalitativ studie som kartlägger ledares självuppfattningar Handledare: Konstantin Lampou  Nyckelord: Ledarskapsstilar, autokratiskt ledarskap, demokratiskt ledarskap, könsstereotyper gällande ledarskapsstilar  Forskningsfråga: Hur skiljer sig ledarskapsstilar mellan könen inom organisationer? Syfte: Syftet med vårt projekt är att undersöka om det finns några skillnader mellan kvinnliga och manliga ledare, utifrån ledarnas egna perspektiv och uppfattningar. Vi vill ta reda på om det finns vissa ledarskapsstilar som är vanligare hos män än hos kvinnor och vice versa.  Metod: En kvalitativ studie har utförts där en abduktiv ansats har använts. För att samla in empiri har semistrukturerade intervjuer genomförts via Zoom och därefter har sekundärkällor och vetenskapliga artiklar använts för att stärka studiens empiri och slutsats.  Slutsats: Slutsatsen som går att dra efter att ha undersökt ledarskapet mellan fem kvinnor och fem män är att det inte finns stora skillnader mellan kvinnligt och manligt ledarskap. Vår forskning har visat att både män och kvinnor generellt föredrar den demokratiska ledarskapsstilen mer än den autokratiska, men både männen och kvinnorna hade åtminstone en autokratisk egenskap. Detta visar att den autokratiska ledarskapsstilen inte är tillhörande det manliga könet och att den demokratiska ledarskapsstilen inte är tillhörande det kvinnliga könet. / Date: 2024-05-29  Level: Bachelor thesis in Business Administration, 15 hp  Institution: School of Business, Society and Engineering, Mälardalen University  Authors: Valeria Calles       Selma Migchelsen        Emilia Shafipour         (00/08/30)                (01/09/05)                 (02/10/27) Title: Differences in Leadership Styles between Male and Female Leaders in Organizations: A qualitative study that identifies leaders self-perceptions  Supervisor: Konstantin Lampou  Keywords: Leadership styles, autocratic leadership, democratic leadership, gender stereotypes on leadership style Research question: How do the leadership styles differ between genders within organizations?   Purpose: The purpose of this study is to investigate whether there are any differences between female and male leaders, based on the leaders' own perspectives and perceptions. We want to find out if there are certain leadership styles that are more common in men than in women and vice versa. Method: A qualitative study has been made by using an abductive approach. In order to collect empirical data, semi-structured interviews have been conducted via Zoom. Secondary sources and scientific articles have been used to strengthen the study's empirical data and conclusion. Conclusion: The conclusion that can be drawn after examining the leadership between five women and five men is that there are no major differences between female and male leadership. Our research has shown that both men and women generally prefer the democratic leadership style more than the autocratic, but both men and women had at least one autocratic trait. This shows that the autocratic leadership style does not belong to the male gender and that the democratic leadership style does not belong to the female gender.