The research was directed at assessing the strengths and weaknesses in the application-to-approval process of social grants up to the payment of social grants at pay-points in the South African Social Security Agency (hereafter SASSA). The general aim of the research project was to assess the application-to-approval process of grant administration in SASSA up to the payment of social grants at pay-points. The specific objectives of the study were therefore: * To describe the current application-to-approval process of grant administration; * To assess the strengths and weaknesses in the grant administration process of specified administrative procedures and structural issues as perceived by attesting officials (front-line staff responsible for taking down the grant applications), data-capturer officials (staff responsible for capturing the information on the application form onto the SOCPEN system, pay-point team members (staff responsible for rendering services at pay-points) and beneficiaries at pay-points; and * To provide a report on the strengths and weaknesses of the grant administration process from application to pay-out to the top management of SASSA. The study was conducted in two regions, namely the Northern Cape and the Western Cape. Various offices in the Northern Cape and the Western Cape were therefore part of the research. The grant administration process from application-to-approval includes various stages. The staff members include the screening official (step one) who checks the completeness of the required documentation, followed by attesting official (step two) who takes down the application and captures it on SOCPEN and then forwards it to the next level, namely quality control (step three). Thereafter a verifying official verifies the information captured on SOCPEN against documentation submitted and approves or rejects the application on SOCPEN (step four). Staff at pay-points (where beneficiaries receive their payments) and beneficiaries at pay-points were also part of the research focus. Four different data-collection instruments were therefore used during the research project. The first data-collection instrument was designed to collect data on the actual grant application process and problems and strengths in this regard (questionnaire front-line staff). The empirical investigation revealed the following with regard to the front-line staff: * The majority of front-line staff have considerable working experience (more than five years) in SASSA; * The majority of front-line staff have inadequate work space; * Training, supervision and mentoring support from supervisors and colleagues occurs haphazardly; * The majority of front-line staff receive between 11-29 applications per day and spent 30 minutes or less to take down an application; * Policy documents that regulate the implementation of new policy changes are not always available; * Grant application files get misplaced or lost after processing; * Staff carelessness is one of the main reasons why files get lost or misplaced and * Front-line staff experience technical difficulties with the computer on a regular basis and it takes one to three days to resolve technical difficulties. The second data-collection instrument was developed to collect data on the capturing of the application (questionnaire data-capturer) onto the SOCPEN system. The empirical investigation revealed the following with regard to data-capturers: * The majority of data-capturers have solid work experience as data-capturers in SASSA although some data-capturers have inadequate work space; * Training on the implementation of new policy changes occurs irregularly; * Supervision, mentoring and support from supervisors happen haphazardly; * Data-capturers receive between 20 and 29 applications per day and they capture all applications successfully; * Data-capturers receive support from colleagues on a more regular basis than from supervisors; * Documents or guidelines that regulate the implementation of policy changes are not always available in the work place; * Applications sometimes get misplaced or lost after capturing; * No proper mechanisms are in place to record the movement of files, staff carelessness and either lack of office space or filing space, are the main reasons why applications get lost or misplaced; * Data-capturers sometimes experience technical problems with computers and it takes one to less than five days to resolve technical difficulties; * Data-capturers receive sometimes incomplete applications from the attesting officials (those staff officials who are responsible for taking down the application) and they usually take such applications back to the first attesting officer; * Backlogs in the capturing and approving of normal applications exist and staff shortages and system-related problems are the main reasons why backlogs exist; * Backlogs exist with regard to the capturing and approving of review cases and * Staff shortages, a centralized review management approach, lack of office space and lack of connectivity points constitute the main reasons why review backlogs exist. The third data-collection instrument (questionnaire pay-point team member) was developed to measure services at pay-points and to determine the problems experienced at pay-points. The empirical investigation revealed the following with regard to this category as seen by pay-point team members: * Some pay-points are not disabled-friendly; * There are not always enough chairs, toilet facilities or drinking water available at pay-points; * Payment contractors and SASSA staff sometimes arrive late at pay-points; * Payments are usually delayed between 15 minutes to less than an hour, but beneficiaries are not always informed about delays; * There are sometimes broken machines at pay-points and this causes 15 to 45 minutes delay in payments; * There is not always enough money at pay-points and it takes an hour to just under two hours to get more money; * Grant recipients hardly ever receive wrong grant amounts; * Hawkers and vendors operate mainly outside the pay-point; * Security guards are available at pay-points and there is access control at pay-points (mainly driven by security guards from the payment contractor) * Not all pay-points are fenced all round and * First Aid kits are available at pay-points most of the time. The fourth data-collection instrument (questionnaire for beneficiaries) was developed to target the beneficiaries who receive grant payments at pay-points. The empirical investigation revealed the following: * Some pay-points are not disabled-friendly; * There are not always enough chairs, toilet facilities or drinking water available at pay-points; * Payment contractors and SASSA staff sometimes arrive late at pay-points; * Payments are usually delayed between 15 minutes to less than an hour, but beneficiaries are not always informed about delays; * There are sometimes broken machines at pay-points and this causes 15 to 45 minutes‟ delay in payments; * There is not always enough money at pay-points and it takes an hour to less than two hours to get more money; * Grant recipients rarely receive wrong grant amounts; * Hawkers and vendors operate mainly outside the pay-point, but there are exceptional cases where they operate inside the pay-points; * Beneficiaries do feel safe at pay-points most of the time; * Beneficiaries mostly live within walking distance from the pay-point; * Beneficiaries hardly experience problems at pay-points and if they do, their problems get resolved; * Not all pay-points provide shelter from the elements; * Beneficiaries are satisfied with the services SASSA renders and the grant has improved their quality of life. Grant administration processes in SASSA are labour-intensive and officials play a vital role in the correct administration of social grants. The study has revealed that although there is clearly some strength in the grant administration process from application-to-approval up the payment of social grants at pay-points, it is unfortunately true that the weaknesses are overwhelming. / Thesis (PhD (Social Work))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

Thesis (D.P.H.)--University of Michigan.

Dissertation (D.P.H.)--University of Michigan.

La pression institutionnelle des lois et des associations ainsi que la recherche d’une performance économique, combinée à des attentes diverses engendrent un écart de perception entre l’idée d’une politique idéale et la réalité de la diversité éprouvée par les acteurs au sein de leur organisation. Cet écart conduit à des formes de démotivation propices à gêner et ralentir la mise en oeuvre d’une politique diversité. Comment, de fait, atténuer l’inévitable essoufflement du management de la diversité? Une fois analysées les raisons pour lesquelles les acteurs d’une organisation comme le groupe Crédit Agricole S.A. sont ralentis dans le déploiement d’une politique diversité de type inclusive, cette thèse apporte des solutions concrètes pour pratiquer une gestion de la diversité plus proche des attentes des acteurs. A partir d’une triangulation de données dans le cadre d’une méthodologie qualitative,l’inclusion n’est pas forcément apparue comme l’attente principale des acteurs. L’observation participante, l’étude de cas principale éclairée par 3 cas complémentaires, 55 entretiens (15 sur la diversité + 40 relatifs à la dimension handicap) permettent ainsi d’apporter des propositions managériales pour répondre à l’attente principale des acteurs qu’est le besoin de dialoguer, au sens de converser. La première étape consiste à identifier les acteurs susceptibles d’être démotivés pour ensuite les (re)mobiliser en leur (re)donnant la parole. Redonner la parole ne signifie pas forcément la mise en place de procédures formelles, mais plus précisément prendre le temps d’échanger, créer un temps partagé et ainsi instaurer une meilleure qualité de vie au travail. / The institutional pressure of laws and associations, as well as the search for economic performance, combined with various expectations, create a gap of perception between the idea of an ideal policy and the reality of diversity felt by the actors within their organisation.This gap leads to forms of demotivation and demobilisation, unfavourable to the development of a diversity policy which would claim to be efficient. How could we actually limit the unavoidable slowdown of the diversity management? Once the reasons why the actors of an organisation such as Crédit Agricole S.A. are restrained in developing an inclusive type of diversity management are analysed, this thesis brings tangible solutions to manage diversity in a way which is closer from the actors’ expectations.From a triangulation of data analysis within the framework of a qualitative methodology,inclusion has not necessarily appeared as the actors’ main expectation. Participative observation, the main case study highlighted with 3 complementary cases, 55 interviews (15 about diversity + 40 related to the handicap dimension), allow thus to bring managerial propositions to meet the main expectation of the actors which is the need to dialogue, in the sense of talk. The first step involves identifying the actors likely to be demotivated in order to mobilize them by allowing them to speak again afterwards. Allow them to speak does not necessarily involves setting up formal procedures, but more precisely taking time to exchange, creating a sharing time and thus establishing a better quality of life at the workplace.

The diploma thesis is focused on choosing suitable method of funding purpose of village Březina. Possibility of obtaining grants is preferred. It summarizes knowledge about structural funds, operation program of Czech Republic and progress of obtaining grants. It includes specific proposal for obtaining grant and notice for potential barrier in the area request.

Social factors moderate the impacts of natural hazards, which means that households are affected differently when exposed to the same hazard. This differential impact of hazards can be explained by the concept of social vulnerability, which is commonly assessed to inform disaster preparedness and response action. Most of these assessments, however, focus their analyses on large administrative units and, consequently, neglect the heterogeneity of households within these units. This thesis leverages data from Malawi’s social registry (the UBR) to construct a Household Social Vulnerability Index for Nsanje – one of the most disaster-prone districts in Malawi. In Nsanje, geocoded socio-economic data was collected using a census-sweep approach with the goal of registering 100% of the district’s residents. From this dataset, indicators are deductively selected and analyzed using Principal Component Analysis to produce a social vulnerability score for each household. These index scores are mapped at a spatial resolution of 0,01°. By repurposing a social registry to inform a new set of actors, including humanitarian and disaster risk management practitioners, the thesis highlights the considerable scope for collaboration within the realm of data and information by actors and policy fields that traditionally largely have operated in isolation from one another.

This article aims to provide both efficient and just ways of sharing mitigative and adaptive climate burden costs. Time is an important factor when constructing policies which are set out to turn negative temperature trends around. Justice is another crucial value to consider when deciding who ought to carry out these climate burdens. Moreover, how we consider efficient and just sharing of burden costs, relies on practicality in relation to moral responsibility. Moral responsibility can be applied to those who have polluted and those who have benefitted from pollution. However, there are practical issues that hide between the lines. Justice grounded only on moral responsibility, such as ‘the polluter pays principle’ and ‘the beneficiary pays principle’, can only account for a limited portion of climate burdens. Because there are leftover burdens that need to be shared, and a climate window of opportunity to regard, we need to allocate the burdens both fairly as well as efficiently, such as ‘the ability to pay principle. In this paper, I will present a case that takes all of these dimensions into account and I will illustrate that it indeed can be effective to be just when sharing all climate burdens. / Denna artikel strävar efter att visa både effektiva och rättvisa sätt att fördela klimatbördan på. Denna börda innebär kostnaderna av att reducera utsläpp och anpassa samhället efter klimatförändringarna. Tid är en viktig faktor när vi konstruerar lagar och regler som syftar till att ändra riktning på den negativa temperaturutveckling forskare varnar oss för. Rättvisa är också en viktig komponent vi behöver ta hänsyn till när vi överväger vilka som bör axla klimatbördan. Hur vi överväger effektiva och rättvisa klimatfördelningar, beror på praktikalitet i relation till moraliskt ansvar. Moraliskt ansvar kan bland annat tillskrivas de som förorenar och de som gynnas av att förorena. Däremot finns det praktiska svårigheter som gömmer sig mellan raderna. Rättvisa som endast grundas på moraliskt ansvar, såsom ’förorenaren betalar’, ’den som gynnas av att förorena betalar’, kan enbart stå för en begränsad del av klimatbördan. Eftersom resterande börda också behöver fördelas blir vi tvungna att distribuera återstående börda både rättvist och effektivt, såsom ’de som2kan betala också ska’. I denna uppsats överväger jag dessa delar och kommer illustrera att det sannerligen är effektivt att vara rättvis när vi fördelar all klimatbörda.

While aiming to reach results (such as improved health status) humanitarian workers in aid organizations such as Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement (RCRCM)[1], make use of outcomes in related global forums, standards and networks. Common concepts discussed related to humanitarian action are the following ones: effectiveness, local ownership and mutual accountability. In addition, concepts such as Results Based Management (RBM), highlighting the importance of delivering and accounting for results influences humanitarian organizations. Donors such as governments are pushing for RBM. The RBM reform impacts Swedish aid policy and RCRCM in Sweden, represented by Swedish Red Cross. However researchers and civil society actors find that RBM is not a silver bullet to facilitate results.   Dialogue with beneficiaries goes back to the beginnings of humanitarian action, but dialogue using social media to capture beneficiaries’ views started only around a decade back.   In this case study, I investigate RCRCM and focus on Swedish Red Cross. In particular I explore the following research problem: how does beneficiary communication and accountability using social media contribute to reaching and measuring results?   My data includes individual and focus group interviews and RCRCM guiding documents. Conclusions include that: indeed beneficiary communication and accountability contributes to reaching results and have potential to better capture results. Direct RCRCM organizational benefits are potentially huge given RCRCMs extensive worldwide community level network. The benefits include better access, more relevant activities and funding opportunities. However challenges include perceived lack of expertize, management commitment and generally slow change of mind set with regards to downward accountability. [1] A) The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), B) the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) and C) national societies in 189 countries around the world (see section 2.1) / När biståndsarbetare i hjälporganisationer som rödakorsrörelsen (RCRCM)[1], arbetar för att nå resultat (såsom bättre hälsa för utsatta människor) använder de sig ofta av de ambitioner som vuxit fram i biståndsrelaterade globala fora, nätverk och standards såsom: effektivitet, lokalt ägarskap samt ömsesidigt ansvarsskyldighet och ansvarsutkrävande. Samtidigt har begrepp som ”result based management” (RBM) fått stort inflytande på humanitära organisationer när det gäller vikten av att nå och visa på konkreta resultat. Finansiärer, såsom regeringar, ställer allt tuffare krav på RBM metodik används genom ett starkt inflytande på svenskt bistånd och därmed på RCRCM i Sverige, företrätt av Svenska Röda Korset. Dock finns både forskare och humanitära organisationer civila som hävdar att RBM knappast är någon patentlösning vare sig för att nå eller visa på resultat. Medan dialog med biståndsmottagare funnits så länge bistånd funnits har systematisk dialog med hjälp av sociala medier för att få förmånstagarnas synpunkter bara skett ett tiotal år. I denna fallstudie undersöker jag RCRCM med fokus på Svenska Röda Korset. I synnerhet studerar jag följande forskningsproblem: hur bidrar dialog med och ansvarighet gentemot förmånstagare som sker med sociala medier till att nå och mäta resultat?Mitt material inkluderar individuella- och fokusgruppsintervjuer samt studier av RCRCMs styrdokument. Slutsatser inkluderar att: direkta organisatoriska fördelar för RCRCM av dialog med mottagare är potentiellt enorma givet RCRCM världsomspännande lokala nätverk. Fördelarna inkluderar ökad möjlighet att nå de mest utsatta, mer relevanta insatser och bättre finansiering. Bland utmaningarna som lyfts är brist på expertis och ägarskap hos organisatio-nens ledning och svårighet till byte av ’mind set’ vad gäller nedåtgående ansvarighet. [1] A) Internationella rödakorskommittén (ICRC), B) Internationella rödakors-och rödahalvmånefederationen (IFRC) och C) nationella föreningar in 189 länder i världen (se sektion 2.1)

No description available.

A convenção de arbitragem pode possuir uma abrangência subjetiva maior do que aquela que aparentemente lhe é conferida pelo contrato no qual está inserida. Podem ser partes sujeitos que a ela não aderiram expressamente, o que não contraria a autonomia da vontade, pois o fato de não terem consentido por escrito não impede que o tenham feito de maneira tácita. Dessa forma, é possível que não signatários sejam partes da convenção de arbitragem. A prática arbitral identificou algumas situações que frequentemente colocam os julgadores diante da missão de determinar se há consentimento por parte de não signatários: a existência de um grupo de sociedades ou de um grupo de contratos; a incorporação por referência; a estipulação em favor de terceiro; a existência de representação; a transferência de um contrato por meio de cessão ou sucessão e a subrogação; e o desvio da personalidade jurídica, que pode levar à sua desconsideração. Além disso, os tribunais norte-americanos se utilizam da teoria chamada estoppel, de acordo com a qual um sujeito, sob determinadas circunstâncias, fica impedido de negar a aplicabilidade da cláusula compromissória. Os limites subjetivos da convenção de arbitragem são objeto de estudo no meio arbitral há bastante tempo, mas não faz muitos anos que a questão começou a ser debatida no Brasil. A análise da Lei de Arbitragem brasileira demonstra que muitas das lições aprendidas no cenário internacional podem ser aproveitadas no país. / The arbitration agreement may have a larger subjective scope than the one that is actually conferred to it by the agreement in which it operates. Individuals who have not adhered expressly to the arbitration agreement may be subject to it, and such situation does not imply that referred arbitration agreement is against their free will, since the fact that they have not consented in writing does not mean that they have not done so tacitly. Thus, it is possible that non-signatories are parties to the arbitration agreement. The arbitral practice identified several situations in which judges and arbitrators often have to determine whether there is a consent by non-signatories: the existence of a group of companies or a group of contracts; incorporation by reference; the stipulation in favor of third party; the existence of representation; the transfer of an agreement by assignment or succession and subrogation; and the abuse of legal personality, which can lead to the piercing of the corporate veil. Moreover, U.S. courts make use of a theory called estoppel, according to which an individual, under certain circumstances, is estopped from denying the enforceability of the arbitration clause. The limits of the arbitration agreement have been object of study in the arbitration scene for a long period of time, but only recently the question began to be discussed in Brazil. Analysis of the Brazilian Arbitration Law demonstrates that many of the lessons learned in the international arena may be applicable in Brazil.