Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-09-24T20:32:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 VANESSA BELMIRO DOS SANTOS - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2013..pdf: 37985720 bytes, checksum: cdf31b4ff53006d6f27efaaac06434b0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-24T20:32:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VANESSA BELMIRO DOS SANTOS - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2013..pdf: 37985720 bytes, checksum: cdf31b4ff53006d6f27efaaac06434b0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12 / Capes / Nos primeiros anos do século XXI, houve no Brasil a implantação de diversos projetos voltados à resolução da questão agrária, no sentido de promover um tipo de reforma na estrutura fundiária que viabilizasse o acesso à terra de trabalhadores rurais que protestavam contra o latifúndio. Com a proposta de eliminar de vez os conflitos agrários vivenciados nas décadas passadas foi elaborado um Modelo de Reforma Agrária de Mercado (MRAM), fruto da parceria celebrada entre o Estado e o Banco Mundial, que tinha por meta promover um tipo de reforma agrária através do financiamento de terras para os pequenos produtores rurais. Sob esta direção, durante o mandato do Governo FHC (1995-2002), foram criados diversos programas, dentre eles Reforma Agrária Solidária do Projeto Piloto São José (PSJ), no Ceará, o Projeto-Piloto de Reforma Agrária e Alívio da Pobreza (ou Cédula da Terra PCT), o Banco da Terra, e o Crédito Fundiário de Combate à Pobreza Rural (2000-2002). No ano de 2003, o Governo Lula (2002-2010), deu continuidade à proposta criando o Programa Nacional de Crédito Fundiário (PNCF), como complemento a outras ações com vistas à reforma agrária. No âmbito do PNCF está o selo Terra Negra Brasil (TNB), que tem por objetivo financiar terras para comunidades negras rurais. E na comunidade quilombola de Damásio, localizada no município de Guimarães, na Baixada Maranhense, que se tem vivenciado a primeira experiência de implantação do TNB e onde buscamos informações que indiquem os resultados desta política pública que se propõe a promover a igualdade racial no campo. / In the early years of the century, Brazil was in the implementation of several projects aimed at the resolution of the agrarian question, to promote a type of Land Reform in the structure that enables creation of access to land for rural workers protesting against landlordism. With the proposed elimination of the once agrarian conflicts experienced in the past decades a Pattern of Land Reform Market (MRAM), born of a partnership agreement between the State and the World Bank, which had the goal to promote a kind of agrarian reform by funding land to small farmers. Under this direction, during the tenure of the Government Cardoso (19952002), several programs were created, among them the Partnership for Agrarian Reform Pilot Project St. Joseph (PSJ), in Ceará, the Pilot Project for Agrarian Reform and Poverty Alleviation (or Cédula da Terra PCT), the Land Bank (Banco da Tenra), Land Credit and the Rural Poverty (2000-2002). In 2003, Lula's government (2002-2010), continued the proposal creating the National Land Credit Program (PNCF) in addition to other actions with a view to agrarian reform. Under the PNCF's Black Earth Brazil (TNB) Seal, which aims to finance land for rural black communities. Is the black community Damásio, located in the municipality of Guimarães, the low lands who have experienced their first experience of deploying and BEB where we seek information indicating the results of this public policy that aims to promote racial equality in the field.

SANTOS, Marlene Pereira dos. Incursões na história e memória da comunidade de quilombo de Alto-Alegre - município de Horizonte – CE. 2012. 153f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2012. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-02-25T14:08:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-MPSANTOS.pdf: 7720145 bytes, checksum: 33572fd28544756b5a8ee6d686ac3cb5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-02-25T14:41:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-MPSANTOS.pdf: 7720145 bytes, checksum: 33572fd28544756b5a8ee6d686ac3cb5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-25T14:41:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-MPSANTOS.pdf: 7720145 bytes, checksum: 33572fd28544756b5a8ee6d686ac3cb5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / The subject of this dissertation is part of a more general theme concerning whit the black population history in the state of Ceará - Brazil. This is an issue with many aspects and many polemics, such as the existence of black people in the state, but is part of a social attitude which has been the subject of historical research and education in the last 10 years in our graduate program. Alto Alegre is the name of a district of Novo Horizonte city. This city is at the periphery of the large metropolitan region of Fortaleza. The community of maroon Alto Alegre is a black rural community with more than a century of existence, yet the literature contains few references to this existence. The research work with the concepts of afro - dependency and black population based on the historical aspects and not biological. Uses the concept of black rural district and outlines the set of knowledge based on oral history, focusing on the black memory, organized as a collective memory with a focus on culture and cultural heritage of the black population. The research was shaft the economic facts and the social relations established by the community of Alto Alegre in a territory where social groups include blacks, indians and white settlers regarded as represented by the landowners. The study showed a trend of community marked by changes in the forms of work and life prospects, but with the presence of strong cultural identity, interspersed with significant changes in customs and religion. The city of Horizonte is within a region of strong industrialization and geographical constant intervention by the state through the construction of large works such as the BR-116, and channels of integration and the worker. / O tema desta dissertação cabe dentro de um tema mais geral que é o da história das populações negras no Ceará. Trata-se de um tema com diversos aspectos e muitas polemicas, tais como a existência de negros no estado, mas faz parte de uma postura social que tem sido alvo da pesquisa historiográfica e da educação nos últimos 10 anos no estado do Ceará. Alto Alegre é um distrito do município de Horizonte, parte periférica da grande região metropolitana de Fortaleza. A comunidade de quilombo de Alto Alegre é uma comunidade rural negra com mais de um século de existência, no entanto a literatura apresenta poucas referências a esta existência. A pesquisa realizada trabalha com os conceitos de afrodescendência e população negra baseada nos aspectos históricos e não biológicos. Utiliza o conceito de bairro rural negro e traça o conjunto do conhecimento com base na historia oral, tendo como foco a memória negra, como memória coletiva organizada com foco na cultura e no patrimônio cultural da população negra. A pesquisa teve como eixo os fatos econômicos e as relações sociais estabelecidas pela comunidade de Alto Alegre dentro de um território onde figuram os grupos sociais negros, índios e brancos, esses últimos representados pelos posseiros considerados como donos da terra. O estudo mostrou uma trajetória de comunidade marcada pelas mudanças nas formas de trabalho e nas perspectivas de vida, mas com a presença de forte identidade cultural, entremeada de mudanças significativas de costumes e de religião. O município de Horizonte está dentro de uma região de forte industrialização e de constante intervenção geográfica pelo estado através de construção de grandes obras como a rodovia BR-116, e os canais de integração e do trabalhador.

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The aim of this study was to critically explore the constructions of Muslim identities in selected Black African American popular music composed before and after the 11th of September 2001. This study is interdisciplinary because it used popular culture theories developed by Hall, Strinati, Storey and Gilroy’s concept of the Black Atlantic. Postcolonial literary theories of Bhabha, Spivak and Fanon were also used. The study demonstrated that the content and style of the lyrics by Public Enemy, Talib Kweli, Paris, Lupe Fiasco, Kanye West, Scarface, Miss Eliot, Missundastood, Erykah Badu and KRS-One have been influenced by Islam’s religious versions of the Nation of Islam, Five Percenters or Nation of Gods and Earths and Sunny Islam. Individual singers also manipulated the spiritual symbols and cultural resources made available to them in the Islam religion. Black African American singers more or less share common historical experiences, but they constructed and depicted Muslim identities differently because of their class, generational and gender backgrounds. Chapter one introduced the area of study, justified it and adopted an eclectic theoretical approach in order to account for the diverse constructions of Muslim identities in the songs composed by black African American hip hop singers. Chapter two provided an extended review of literature for the study. Chapter three explored the influence of the Nation of Islam on the singers and its creative manipulation by the black singers. Chapter four explored religious hybridity because the lyrics draw from Islam and Christian eschatological values. Chapter five used lyrics by three black female singers and revealed how they reconfigured differently, Black Muslim identities in a musical industry predominantly patronised by male singers. Chapter six explored the use of language in signifying different meanings of Muslim-ness in order to arrive at different definitions of pan Black Islamic musical consciousness. Chapter seven concluded the study by summarising the central argument of the study which was that black African American singers have referenced cultural symbols from Islam and in the process manipulated Islam’s religious metaphors to suggest different and alternative models for the black communities in the United States of America. / English Studies / D. Litt. et Phil.

Summaries in Afrikaans and English / Op 3 Mei 1848 het 'n aantll blanke nedersetters van Ohrigstad in Soutpansberg aangekom; 'n pioniersdorp, onder Ieiding van Hendrik Potgieter, is gestig en primitiewe huise is opgerig. In 1855 het Stephanus Schoeman die Ieiding oorgeneem en die dorp na homself vemoem. Die plaaslike owerheid het bestaan uit die kommandant-generaal, 'n landdros met heemrade en ander regeringsamptenare sowel as dorpsbeamptes. Tropiese koorssiektes het soms epidemiese afmetings aangcneem en talle mense het gesterf soos die kerkhof met sy rye grafte getuig. Die nedersetters, gehard deur hul swerwersbestaan, het die siektes en ontberings verduur. Vir 16 van die 19 jaar was daar nie 'n vaste predikant nie tot ds N J van Wannelo in 1864 hom in Schoemansdal gevestig het Hy het hom beywer vir die ophefftng van die inwoners op geestelike en onderwysgebied. Die mense was konserwatief en meestal ongeletterd. Hulle was bedagsaam, maar daar was ook ongure en opstandige persone. Hulle klere was eenvoudig en meestal tuisgemaak, en hulle het graag sosiaal verkeer. V erskeie beroepe is beoefen: houtsaery was betalend en hout was oorvloedig; jag was die winsgewendste, want wild en olifante was volop en jagprodukte, veral ivoor waarvan tonne verhandel is, het goeie markpryse behaal. Die swartes wat reeds in die gebied gewoon het, het die blankes met wanttoue bejeen. Blankes het hulle gevestig, grond toegeeien en onbeperk gejag, terwyl die swartes vir hulle moes werk en belasting betaal. Ongehoorsame swart hoofmanne is aangeval, vee is gebuit en vrouens en veral kinders is weggevoer as inboekelinge. Dit het tot openlike vyandelikhede gelei. Veldtogte is gevoer, maar die blankes kon die swartes, weens hulle oninneembare vestings, nie onderwerp nie. Die swartes het gewere op onwettige wyse bekom. Die handel het begin kwyn, smouse en handelaars het weggebly en die inwoners het verann en onder mekaar getwis. Die blankes het in die skans in Schoemansdal saamgetrek en Paul Kruger is met 400 man deur die Transvaalse regering gestuur om die Venda te onderwerp. Die poging het misluk en op 15 Julie 1867 is Schoemansdal ontruim. Enkele maande later is 'n poging deur Schoeman aangewend om die dorp te herwin, maar ook dit was onsuksesvol. Schoemansdal sou nooit weer herbou word nie en was die eerste vesting wat die blankes aan die swart meerdetheid sou oorgee. / May 1848 a number of white settlers from Ohrigstad arrived in the Soutpansberg. Under the leadership of Hendrik Potgieter, a pioneer town was developed. In 1855 Stephan us Schoeman replanned and renamed the town. The local government consisted of the commandantgeneral, a landdrost, heemrade, government officials and town officers. The region was unhealthy and fever stricken. Numerous graves in the graveyard are the tragic signs of many deaths. However, hardy Trekkers, endured the sickness and hardships. For 16 years there was no minister until, in 1864, the Rev Van Warmelo settled in Schoemansdal and worked zealously for the spiritual and educational upliftment of the inhabitants. Most people were conservative and illiterate. Their clothes were plain and usually home-made, and they were very sociable. There were different occupations. Woodcutters were well paid and wood was abundant. Hunting was lucrative because there were plenty of wild animals and elephant, and hunting products, especially ivory, had good market value. Black communities, which already inhabited the area, distrusted the whites. The whites settled, annexed the land and hunted wherever they wanted, while the blacks were compelled to work and pay taxes. Military campaigns were undertaken against headmen who were regarded as disobedient, livestock was seized, women, and children, were abducted under the indenture system. All this caused open hostility. Campaigns were launched against the blacks but they could not be subjected because of the mountainous terrain. The blacks obtained weapons illegally. Trade deteriorated and the whites became poorer and started to quarrel amongst themselves. The white inhabitants moved into the fort and Paul Kruger was sent by the Transvaal government with 400 men to force the Venda into submission. The attempt failed and on 15 July 1867 the town was evacuated. Schoeman, with a small army, also made an unsuccessful attempt. Schoemansdal would never be rebuilt and was the first white settlement to surrender to black majority. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (Geskiedenis)

Summaries in Afrikaans and English / Op 3 Mei 1848 het 'n aantll blanke nedersetters van Ohrigstad in Soutpansberg aangekom; 'n pioniersdorp, onder Ieiding van Hendrik Potgieter, is gestig en primitiewe huise is opgerig. In 1855 het Stephanus Schoeman die Ieiding oorgeneem en die dorp na homself vemoem. Die plaaslike owerheid het bestaan uit die kommandant-generaal, 'n landdros met heemrade en ander regeringsamptenare sowel as dorpsbeamptes. Tropiese koorssiektes het soms epidemiese afmetings aangcneem en talle mense het gesterf soos die kerkhof met sy rye grafte getuig. Die nedersetters, gehard deur hul swerwersbestaan, het die siektes en ontberings verduur. Vir 16 van die 19 jaar was daar nie 'n vaste predikant nie tot ds N J van Wannelo in 1864 hom in Schoemansdal gevestig het Hy het hom beywer vir die ophefftng van die inwoners op geestelike en onderwysgebied. Die mense was konserwatief en meestal ongeletterd. Hulle was bedagsaam, maar daar was ook ongure en opstandige persone. Hulle klere was eenvoudig en meestal tuisgemaak, en hulle het graag sosiaal verkeer. V erskeie beroepe is beoefen: houtsaery was betalend en hout was oorvloedig; jag was die winsgewendste, want wild en olifante was volop en jagprodukte, veral ivoor waarvan tonne verhandel is, het goeie markpryse behaal. Die swartes wat reeds in die gebied gewoon het, het die blankes met wanttoue bejeen. Blankes het hulle gevestig, grond toegeeien en onbeperk gejag, terwyl die swartes vir hulle moes werk en belasting betaal. Ongehoorsame swart hoofmanne is aangeval, vee is gebuit en vrouens en veral kinders is weggevoer as inboekelinge. Dit het tot openlike vyandelikhede gelei. Veldtogte is gevoer, maar die blankes kon die swartes, weens hulle oninneembare vestings, nie onderwerp nie. Die swartes het gewere op onwettige wyse bekom. Die handel het begin kwyn, smouse en handelaars het weggebly en die inwoners het verann en onder mekaar getwis. Die blankes het in die skans in Schoemansdal saamgetrek en Paul Kruger is met 400 man deur die Transvaalse regering gestuur om die Venda te onderwerp. Die poging het misluk en op 15 Julie 1867 is Schoemansdal ontruim. Enkele maande later is 'n poging deur Schoeman aangewend om die dorp te herwin, maar ook dit was onsuksesvol. Schoemansdal sou nooit weer herbou word nie en was die eerste vesting wat die blankes aan die swart meerdetheid sou oorgee. / May 1848 a number of white settlers from Ohrigstad arrived in the Soutpansberg. Under the leadership of Hendrik Potgieter, a pioneer town was developed. In 1855 Stephan us Schoeman replanned and renamed the town. The local government consisted of the commandantgeneral, a landdrost, heemrade, government officials and town officers. The region was unhealthy and fever stricken. Numerous graves in the graveyard are the tragic signs of many deaths. However, hardy Trekkers, endured the sickness and hardships. For 16 years there was no minister until, in 1864, the Rev Van Warmelo settled in Schoemansdal and worked zealously for the spiritual and educational upliftment of the inhabitants. Most people were conservative and illiterate. Their clothes were plain and usually home-made, and they were very sociable. There were different occupations. Woodcutters were well paid and wood was abundant. Hunting was lucrative because there were plenty of wild animals and elephant, and hunting products, especially ivory, had good market value. Black communities, which already inhabited the area, distrusted the whites. The whites settled, annexed the land and hunted wherever they wanted, while the blacks were compelled to work and pay taxes. Military campaigns were undertaken against headmen who were regarded as disobedient, livestock was seized, women, and children, were abducted under the indenture system. All this caused open hostility. Campaigns were launched against the blacks but they could not be subjected because of the mountainous terrain. The blacks obtained weapons illegally. Trade deteriorated and the whites became poorer and started to quarrel amongst themselves. The white inhabitants moved into the fort and Paul Kruger was sent by the Transvaal government with 400 men to force the Venda into submission. The attempt failed and on 15 July 1867 the town was evacuated. Schoeman, with a small army, also made an unsuccessful attempt. Schoemansdal would never be rebuilt and was the first white settlement to surrender to black majority. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (Geskiedenis)

Orientador: Márcio Bilharinho Naves / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T00:51:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Meneses_Rosana_M.pdf: 1294898 bytes, checksum: 5ddff46aace647e89df34a0afed2ebfc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: O processo de regularização fundiária dos territórios ocupados pelas comunidades de quilombo desencadeado pelo Artigo 68 do Ato das Disposições Constitucionais Transitórias - ADCT da Constituição Federal de 1988 estabelece "aos remanescentes das comunidades dos quilombos que estejam ocupando suas terras é reconhecida a propriedade definitiva, devendo o Estado emitir-lhes os títulos respectivos". A partir do levantamento e análise de documentos oficiais foi possível trabalhar o quadro de indefinições vivenciado pelas comunidades quilombolas no Brasil e, especificamente, na região do Vale do Ribeira Paulista. O processo de regularização dos territórios quilombolas para ser analisado foi dividido em três etapas: 1) Identificação e Demarcação dos Limites; 2) Reconhecimento Oficial; 3) Outorga do Título e Registro no Cartório de Imóveis. Desta forma, foi possível delinear como os embaraços e lacunas do jogo político, que envolve a questão, se refletem no trabalho de regularização dos territórios de quilombo que essas instituições promovem / Abstract: The land regularization process occupied by communities of "quilombo? triggered by Article 68 of the Constitutional Act of the Transitional Provisions - ADCT from the Constitution of 1988 stipulated that "the ownership to the remnants of Quilombo communities who are occupying their land are recognized as definitive, and shall the state issuing them their titles. " From the survey and analysis of official documents with the government and interviews we could work the situations experienced by lack of "quilombos? laws in Brazil and specifically in the state of São Paulo. The regularization of quilombo lands can be divided into three stages: identification and demarcation of the limits; official recognition; title granting and title registration.Thus, it was possible to outline howthe constraintsand shortcomingsof the political game, which involves the question, are reflected in the work ofsettlementin the territories of"quilombos?that these institutionspromote / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestra em Sociologia

The aim of this study was to critically explore the constructions of Muslim identities in selected Black African American popular music composed before and after the 11th of September 2001. This study is interdisciplinary because it used popular culture theories developed by Hall, Strinati, Storey and Gilroy’s concept of the Black Atlantic. Postcolonial literary theories of Bhabha, Spivak and Fanon were also used. The study demonstrated that the content and style of the lyrics by Public Enemy, Talib Kweli, Paris, Lupe Fiasco, Kanye West, Scarface, Miss Eliot, Missundastood, Erykah Badu and KRS-One have been influenced by Islam’s religious versions of the Nation of Islam, Five Percenters or Nation of Gods and Earths and Sunny Islam. Individual singers also manipulated the spiritual symbols and cultural resources made available to them in the Islam religion. Black African American singers more or less share common historical experiences, but they constructed and depicted Muslim identities differently because of their class, generational and gender backgrounds. Chapter one introduced the area of study, justified it and adopted an eclectic theoretical approach in order to account for the diverse constructions of Muslim identities in the songs composed by black African American hip hop singers. Chapter two provided an extended review of literature for the study. Chapter three explored the influence of the Nation of Islam on the singers and its creative manipulation by the black singers. Chapter four explored religious hybridity because the lyrics draw from Islam and Christian eschatological values. Chapter five used lyrics by three black female singers and revealed how they reconfigured differently, Black Muslim identities in a musical industry predominantly patronised by male singers. Chapter six explored the use of language in signifying different meanings of Muslim-ness in order to arrive at different definitions of pan Black Islamic musical consciousness. Chapter seven concluded the study by summarising the central argument of the study which was that black African American singers have referenced cultural symbols from Islam and in the process manipulated Islam’s religious metaphors to suggest different and alternative models for the black communities in the United States of America. / English Studies / D. Litt. et Phil.

<p>This work looks at the intersections of nature, race, and spirituality in Black communities primarily situated in the United States from the early 20th century to the present day. These communties stories are interpreted through the Black women that lived in them, and their stories denote that Black folks' relationship with and amongst nature could not be had without spiritual praxes in their day-to-day lives. </p>