Bonaventure et la lumière : la question semble au premier abord et pour la plupart des médiévistes résolue. Pourtant, la genèse de sa définition de la lumière (II Sent., d. XIII) – notamment la manière dont les idées de Robert Grosseteste lui parviennent – reste encore à déterminer. L’idée d’un usage métaphorique et analogique de la lumière et de sa dimension épistémique permet de mieux évaluer la théorie de la connaissance comme lumière, c’est-à-dire son amplitude réelle souvent réduite à l’illumination divine de l’homme tant intellectuelle que morale. Cette connaissance de la lumière permettant de considérer la connaissance comme lumière par le truchement de la métaphore et de l’analogie donc toute une épistémologie par la lumière se vérifie dans la cosmologie et dans la théorie de la beauté du frère mineur où la lumière joue bien un rôle principiel et paradigmatique. Enfin, que toutes ces implications philosophiques et théologiques de la lumière soient récapitulées dans le Christ compris selon les Écritures, comme splendor, sol iustitiae, lux mundi, compréhension nettement inspirée de la lecture du quatrième évangile et du Livre de la Sagesse par Bonaventure, bachelier biblique, demande encore à être élucidé. C’est en cherchant tant du côté des études à la Faculté des arts de Paris de 1235-1243 que du côté des écrits de Bonaventure, bachelier biblique puis sententiaire, que la question de la lumière dans son œuvre peut être interprétée. Nous proposons donc dans cet ouvrage d’ouvrir quelques pistes de compréhension de la via lucis bonaventurienne. / Bonaventure and light: the issue seems at first and for most medievalists resolved.Yet the establishment of the genesis of his definition of light (II Sent., d. XIII) — and in particular the way in which Robert Grosseteste's ideas reach him — is still to be determined. The idea of a metaphorical and analogical use of light and its epistemic dimension makes it possible to evaluate better the theory of knowledge as light, that is, its actual amplitude, often reduced to the divine enlightenment of Man, both intellectual and moral. This knowledge of light, which makes it possible to consider knowledge as light through metaphor and analogy, and thus a whole epistemology by light, is verified in the cosmology and in the theory of beauty of the Friar Minor in which light plays indeed a principle-like and paradigmatic role. Finally, that all these philosophical and theological implications of light are recapitulated in Christ understood according to the Scriptures as splendor, sol iustitiae, lux mundi, an understanding clearly inspired by the reading of the fourth Gospel and the Book of Wisdom by Bonaventure, bachelor of the Bible, still needs to be elucidated. It is by seeking as much on the side of studies at the Faculty of Arts of Paris from 1235 to 1243 that on the writings of Bonaventure, as baccalaureus biblicus and then baccalaureus sententiarus, that the question of light in his work can be interpreted. We therefore propose in this book to open some avenues of understanding of the bonaventurian via lucis.

O objetivo desta tese é analisar a concepção de poder no reinado do rei Luís IX (1214-1270), sob a perspectiva do serviço, de acordo com os escritos franciscanos. O governo de Luís IX representou o apogeu das monarquias regionais, o fortalecimento dos reinos locais e a ligação com a Igreja. Assim, a pesquisa baseia-se em documentos produzidos no século XIII: os sermões produzidos pelo frei Boaventura de Bagnoregio (1217-1274) e pelo frei Eustáquio de Arras (1266(?)-1291(?)). Além disso, utilizamos um ofício litúrgico produzido em Paris por um franciscano anônimo, no século XIV. Tomamos como premissa a devoção de Luís IX e sua grande proximidade com a Ordem Franciscana. Esses dois franciscanos remetem a duas concepções complementares de poder. Entendido como modelo pastoral pela teologia política medieval, o governo dos homens baseava-se na concepção de serviço, associada a Luís IX para a construção do modelo do rei franciscano. / The main goal of this thesis is to investigate the conception of power during Louis 9th (1214-1270) regime, on the perspective of the ministry, and according to the Franciscan texts. Louis 9th government represented the apogee of the local monarchies, the strengthening of the independent kingdoms, and the connection between them and the Church. For, the research is based on sources written in the 13th century: those are the sermons of Saint Bonaventure of Bagnoregio (1217-1274) and Eustache d´Arras (ca.1266-ca.1291). Besides, weve been served of a liturgical officium appeared in Paris, in the 14th century, written by an anonymous friar. We part of the assumption of Louis devotion, as well as his closeness towards the Franciscan Order. These two friars represent two complementary conceptions of power. Known as a pastoral model by the medieval Political Theology, the men´s government was seat in a ministry way, bounded to Louis 9thin order to elaborate the Franciscan rex.

O objetivo desta tese é analisar a concepção de poder no reinado do rei Luís IX (1214-1270), sob a perspectiva do serviço, de acordo com os escritos franciscanos. O governo de Luís IX representou o apogeu das monarquias regionais, o fortalecimento dos reinos locais e a ligação com a Igreja. Assim, a pesquisa baseia-se em documentos produzidos no século XIII: os sermões produzidos pelo frei Boaventura de Bagnoregio (1217-1274) e pelo frei Eustáquio de Arras (1266(?)-1291(?)). Além disso, utilizamos um ofício litúrgico produzido em Paris por um franciscano anônimo, no século XIV. Tomamos como premissa a devoção de Luís IX e sua grande proximidade com a Ordem Franciscana. Esses dois franciscanos remetem a duas concepções complementares de poder. Entendido como modelo pastoral pela teologia política medieval, o governo dos homens baseava-se na concepção de serviço, associada a Luís IX para a construção do modelo do rei franciscano. / The main goal of this thesis is to investigate the conception of power during Louis 9th (1214-1270) regime, on the perspective of the ministry, and according to the Franciscan texts. Louis 9th government represented the apogee of the local monarchies, the strengthening of the independent kingdoms, and the connection between them and the Church. For, the research is based on sources written in the 13th century: those are the sermons of Saint Bonaventure of Bagnoregio (1217-1274) and Eustache d´Arras (ca.1266-ca.1291). Besides, weve been served of a liturgical officium appeared in Paris, in the 14th century, written by an anonymous friar. We part of the assumption of Louis devotion, as well as his closeness towards the Franciscan Order. These two friars represent two complementary conceptions of power. Known as a pastoral model by the medieval Political Theology, the men´s government was seat in a ministry way, bounded to Louis 9thin order to elaborate the Franciscan rex.

Cette étude souhaite contribuer à une meilleure connaissance et compréhension de l’idée de simplicité divine, qui signifie l’absence en Dieu de toute composition. Pièce centrale de la pensée théologique médiévale, elle fut redécouverte il y a 35 ans par des philosophes de tendance analytique, qui en contestèrent la cohérence. Elle est depuis lors l’objet d’un débat philosophique fourni, mais le détour par l’histoire de la philosophie est nécessaire pour dégager le réseau de concepts, d’arguments et de problèmes qui lui donne sens. Après avoir étudié la première élaboration de cette idée dans les textes antiques et patristiques, puis son traitement par Pierre Lombard à la veille du IVe concile de Latran de 1215, qui intègre pour la première fois la simplicité divine dans une profession de foi authentique du magistère, nous nous concentrons sur les œuvres de Bonaventure de Bagnoregio et de Thomas d’Aquin, qui accordent à cet attribut divin un rôle fondateur dans leur étude du mystère de Dieu. L’idée de simplicité divine s’y trouve sans cesse prise dans la dialectique de la ressemblance et de la dissemblance entre Créateur et créature. Tandis que Thomas associe de façon unilatérale la simplicité absolue à la transcendance de l’incréé, Bonaventure propose également des similitudes créées de la simplicité divine qui en favorisent l’intuition. Loin d’apparaître comme incohérente, l’idée de simplicité divine est un outil puissant pour ouvrir notre intelligence à un plan de réalité supérieur, certes mystérieux, mais néanmoins lumineux. / This study seeks to contribute to a better understanding and comprehension of the idea of divine simplicity, which means the absence in God of any composition. Cornerstone of medieval theological thinking, divine simplicity was rediscovered 35 years ago by philosophers of analytical leanings, who challenged its coherence. It has since formed the subject of abundant philosophical debate, however, the detour via the history of philosophy is necessary in order to draw out the network of concepts, arguments and issues, from where divine simplicity derives its meaning. After the study of the first development of this idea in ancient and patristic texts, and its treatment by Peter Lombard on the eve of the 4th Council of Lateran in 1215, which integrates for the first time divine simplicity in a genuin profession of faith of the magisterium, we shall focus on the works of Bonaventure of Bagnoregio and Thomas Aquinas, who grant this divine attribute a founding role in the study of the mystery of God. The idea of divine simplicity keeps being comprised in the dialectics of similarity and dissimilarity between Creator and creature. While Aquinas associates in an unilateral way absolute simplicity and transcendence of the uncreated, Bonaventure offers also created resemblances of divine simplicity which favour its intuition. Far from appearing incoherent, the idea of divine simplicity is a powerful means to open our minds to a level of superior reality, indeed mysterious, but nevertheless radiant.