La réputation institutionnelle est un capital précieux pour les organismes publics, et il est essentiel de la cultiver pour en récolter les conséquences positives. La gestion de la réputation implique de façonner les attentes des diverses parties prenantes, et la communication est un outil efficace pour y parvenir. Ce mémoire présente une étude de cas des stratégies de gestion de la réputation du bureau du procureur de l'État du Rio Grande do Sul (Brésil) au cours des années 2016 à 2021, lorsqu'il a été confronté à des attaques contre sa réputation morale de la part des représentants et des médias. La réputation de l'agence est particulièrement vulnérable lorsqu'elle est contestée par des partis ou des dirigeants politiques et soumise à des pressions politiques, ce qui fait des honoraires du procureur un événement approprié pour étudier les stratégies de gestion de l'organisation. Cette étude utilise l'analyse du contenu des rapports publiés dans les quatre principaux journaux de l'État, l'examen du contenu parlementaire et des entretiens pour identifier la réaction de l'organisation aux publications négatives. L'étude montre que le bureau du procureur général de l'État a appris à gérer sa réputation en mettant l'accent sur sa dimension performative dans les médias, et qu'il a réagi avec plus d'assurance lorsque la source de la menace provenait de la presse elle-même. Pendant les périodes où il y a eu une "saillance médiatique", l'organisation a adopté une stratégie de clarification pour renforcer d'autres dimensions de sa réputation. / Institutional reputation is a valuable asset for public organizations, and its cultivation is essential to reap its positive consequences. Managing reputation involves shaping the expectations of diverse stakeholders, and communication is an effective tool to achieve this. This paper presents a case study of the reputation management strategies of the Rio Grande do Sul (Brazil) State Attorney's office during the years 2016 to 2021, when it faced attacks on its moral reputation by representatives and the media. The agency's reputation is particularly vulnerable when challenged by political parties or leaders and subjected to political pressures, making the attorney's case fees a suitable event to study the organization's management strategies. This study employs content analysis of reports published in the four main state newspapers, examination of parliamentary content, and interviews to identify the organization's reaction to negative publications. The study finds that the State Attorney General's Office has learnt to manage its reputation by emphasizing its performative dimension in the media, and it responded more assertively when the source of the threat has come from the press itself. In moments of high media salience, the organization adopted a strategy of clarification to reinforce other dimensions of its reputation.

“Fiesta Immemorial” is a social history of capitalist development in Southern California that excavates the constitutive relations between American settlers and Cahuilla, Cupeño, Serrano, Luiseño, and Kumeyaay peoples during the first half of the 20th century. Addressing the absence of Native politics in histories of US capitalism, it shows how US federal Indian agents, law enforcement, entrepreneurs, boosters, philanthropists, reformers, and residents collaborated to constrain California Native nations’ sovereign practices across sites of labor, leisure, and livelihood in order to naturalize American juridical rule, enforce capitalist market relations, and secure the settler social order. Drawing on booster literature, businessmen’s journals, letters, and memoirs, the ephemera of missionaries and reformers, Bureau of Indian Affairs agents and government officials’ correspondence, Congressional reports, arrest records, hobby ethnographies, and historical newspapers, “Fiesta Immemorial” explores how seemingly mundane sites, such as agricultural fairs, philanthropic programs, New Deal-era works projects, backcountry tourism, and real estate ventures were crucial nodes of conflict. It argues that a specifically colonial apparatus of suspecting, policing, and jailing Native people and the non-Natives who socialized with them accompanied these assimilatory aspirations. At the same time, cultural and knowledge producers enamored with the region circulated narratives that confirmed the apparent inevitability of the capitalist market and the American state’s success, even as these carceral and regulatory campaigns continually failed. Paying particular attention to archival absences, competing notions of time, and ubiquitous surveillance, “Fiesta Immemorial” illustrates the central role of Southern California Indian nations and people in the region’s development, beginning with its turn-of-the-century “picturesque” pastoral land speculation and ending at the post-World War II defense industry boom.

La présente étude vise à étoffer la maigre littérature existante traitant du BEI et de l’intégration d’enquêteurs provenant de la sphère civile au sein d’organisations policières. Plus précisément, cette étude a été achevée avec l’intention de mettre en lumière les défis et enjeux que peuvent affronter les enquêteurs ex-civils dans leur collaboration avec les policiers retraités au Bureau des enquêtes indépendantes. Pour ce faire, nous avons procédé à l’entretien semi-dirigé de 22 enquêteurs du BEI, dont 14 ex-civils et 8 policiers retraités. L’analyse des données a révélé des enjeux et défis pouvant être répartis en deux catégories: l’expertise et les relations. En premier lieu, la carence d'expertise des ex-civils en matière d'enquête criminelle génère des défis relativement à leur formation (dispensée par l’ENPQ), leur avancement aux postes décisionnels au sien du BEI et à leur assignation aux dossiers et tâches d’importance. En second lieu, de cette collaboration ex-civils/policiers retraités émerge certains enjeux relationnels. Notamment, les ex-civils sont considérés comme « autres » par certains de leurs collègues policiers retraités, ce qui créé des tensions au sein de l’organisation et un sentiment d’exclusion chez les ex-civils. Semblablement, ces derniers font face à des défis supplémentaires en ce qui concerne l’établissement de leur légitimité auprès des policiers impliqués et témoins rencontrés lors de leurs enquêtes. De leur côté, les policiers retraités peuvent éprouver des difficultés à créer des liens avec les civils impliqués dans une enquête du BEI (ou leur famille endeuillée, advenant leur décès), particulièrement lorsque ces civils ont des expériences passées négatives avec la police. Considérant son impact sur la réalité policière, plus d’études devraient s’attarder aux instances de surveillance policières telles que le BEI, et à l’intégration d’ex-civils à titre d’enquêteur parmi l’appareil policier. / The present study aims to expand on the meagre existing literature on the Bureau des enquêtes indépendantes (BEI) and the integration of civilian investigators within police organizations. Specifically, this study was completed with the intention of highlighting the challenges and issues that ex-civilian investigators may face in their collaboration with retired police officers within the BEI. To achieve this, we conducted semi-structured interviews with 22 BEI investigators, including 14 former civilians and 8 retired police officers. The analysis of the data revealed challenges and issues that can be divided into two broad categories: expertise and relationships. Firstly, the ex-civilians lack of expertise in criminal investigations leads to challenges related to their training which is provided by the National Police Academy (ENPQ), their advancement to management positions, and the distribution of important cases and tasks. Secondly, several investigators highlight the presence of relational issues, with former civilians facing a prevailing police culture characterized by tendencies of exclusion, both within and outside the organization. In particular, ex-civilians are considered as “others” by some of their retired police colleagues, which creates tensions within the organization and a feeling of exclusion among ex civilians. Similarly, the latter face additional challenges in establishing their legitimacy with the police officers encoutered during their investigations. For their part, retired police officers may find it difficult to bond with civilians involved in an BEI investigation (or their bereaved families, in the event of their death), particularly when these civilians have had negative past experiences with the police. Considering its impact on the police reality, further studies should focus on police oversight bodies such as the BEI and the integration of former civilians as investigators within the police apparatus.

The main argument of this dissertation is that the White Mountain Apache Tribe's appropriation of ecological restoration played a vital role in reinstituting control over knowledge production and eco-cultural resources on the Fort Apache Indian Reservation in the second half of the twentieth century. As a corollary, I argue that the shift in knowledge production practices from a paternalistic foundation to a community-based approach resulted in positive consequences for the ecological health of the Apachean landscape and Apache culture. The democratization of science and technology on the reservation, therefore, proved paramount to the reestablishment of a relatively sustainable Apache society. Beginning with the Indian New Deal, the White Mountain Apache slowly developed the capacity to employ ecological restoration as an eco-political tool to free themselves from a long history of Euro-American cultural oppression and natural resource exploitation. Tribal restoration projects embodied the dual political function of cultural resistance to and cultural exchange with Western-based land management organizations. Apache resistance challenged Euro-American notions of restoration, nature, and sustainability while maintaining cultural identity, reasserting cultural autonomy, and protecting tribal sovereignty. But at the same time, the Apache depended on cultural exchange with federal and state land management agencies to successfully manage their natural resources and build an ecologically knowledgeable tribal workforce. Initially adopting a utilitarian conservation model of land management, restoration projects aided the creation of a relatively strong tribal economy. In addition, early successes with trout, elk, and forest restoration projects eventually granted the Tribe political leverage when they sought to reassume control over reservation resources from the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Fish and Wildlife Service. Building on this foundation, Apache restoration work significantly diverged in character from the typical Euro-American restoration project by the 1990s. While striving toward self-sufficiency, the Tribe hybridized tribal cultural values with Western ecological values in their restoration efforts. These projects evolved the tripartite capacity to heal ecologically degraded reservation lands, to establish a degree of economic freedom from the federal government, and to restore cultural traditions. Having reversed their historical relationship of subjugation with government agencies, the Apache currently have almost full decision-making powers over tribal eco-cultural resources. / Ph. D.

Despite much hope for climate change to slow down or even reverse, younger generations face a future overshadowed by extreme events. The indisputable reality is that unless the United Nations establishes comprehensive and sustained climate justice policies, children today will experience five times more extreme events than those that took place a century ago. On Monday, July 3rd of 2023, an unprecedented peak in global temperatures was documented, marking the highest global temperature ever recorded, as the U.S. National Centers for Environmental Prediction reported. These increasing temperatures indicate the ongoing and intensifying phenomenon of climate change, which amplifies the frequency and severity of certain natural disasters. Given that vulnerability reflects the extent of damage following a disruptive event, reducing vulnerability is a critical initial step toward enhancing resilience—the capacity to withstand and recover from such disruptions. Reflecting on the words of H. James Harrington, the seminal figure in organizational performance improvement, “Measurement is the first step that leads to control and eventually to improvement. If you can’t measure something, you can’t understand it. If you can’t understand it, you can’t control it. If you can’t control it, you can’t improve it.” The findings of this study highlight a macroscopic approach to understanding and predicting network vulnerability in the face of uncertain disruptive events by focusing on the statistical analysis of global measures (GMs) related to network topological characteristics. The distribution of GM values across 15 pure network topologies reveals specific patterns. This discovery offers a novel metric for assessing the performance of networks with unknown topologies by comparing their GM patterns to those of the studied topologies. Furthermore, by intertwining local vulnerability assessments with our scenario-based strategy, we aim to conduct a thorough examination of each node’s significance in maintaining network integrity during disruptions. This analysis is intended to uncover the underlying structural intricacies of these networks, enabling a comparison with established topological standards to identify opportunities for optimization. Additionally, we expand the scope of our model by incorporating traffic flow considerations using the Bureau of Public Roads (BPR) function to optimize network resilience. Key words: Global Measures, Vulnerability, Uncertainty in vulnerability, Connectivity, Accessibility, Criticality, Network topology, Local Measures, Bureau of Public Roads (BPR), Scenario based-Two stage stochastic programming, Risk

L’État moderne intervient de plus en plus dans tous les secteurs d'activités d'une collectivité. Ce vaste mouvement de socialisation rend de plus en plus complexes les relations qui s'établissent entre l'État et les citoyens. La problématique du droit administratif étant le paradoxe entre ce pouvoir discrétionnaire de l'État et le respect des libertés individuelles par le biais de la "justice", les cours de justice traditionnelle par leur lourdeur bureaucratique et leur lenteur, ont fait la preuve d'une certaine inefficacité pour trancher les litiges entre citoyens et État. C'est pourquoi le législateur a créé des tribunaux dits administratifs afin de rendre une justice efficace, peu coûteuse et expéditive. Les relations du travail n'ont pas échappé à ce mouvement interventionniste et à la prolifération des tribunaux administratifs. L'industrie de la construction, également, a été l'objet de nombreuses interventions de l'État au cours des dernières années. L'objectif de cette recherche se veut une analyse des structures et du fonctionnement du commissariat au placement dans l'industrie de la construction afin d'en tirer certaines leçons quant à son efficacité administrative et juridique. Ce tribunal administratif d'appel, créé en vertu d'une loi en 1978, fut le résultat des nombreuses tergiversations entourant le fameux règlement sur le placement des salariés de l'industrie de la construction au Québec. Le cadre de référence relatif à cette recherche, élaboré à partir de l'évolution des écoles de pensée en droit administratif, a permis d'inventorier un ensemble de caractéristiques d'ordre juridique et administratif. Ces caractéristiques ont servi à la cueillette des données et à l'analyse. Le bilan qui en résulte est le suivant. Le commissariat au placement se veut un tribunal modèle quant aux structures, aux objectifs et aux moyens. Le bilan est également positif en ce qui a trait au budget, à la manipulation des dossiers, à l'accessibilité, aux délais, à la non-exclusivité d'emploi, à la juridiction, aux caractères public et impartial de la procédure ainsi qu'à la souplesse et à l'absence de formalisme. La rémunération des commissaires, la compétence de certains et le non-respect de la règle d'audi alteram partem s'avèrent des points négatifs au bilan de l'efficacité. Ces résultats sont intéressants en autant que des recherches semblables seront effectuées auprès d'autres tribunaux administratifs en matière de relations du travail. C'est ainsi que des leçons intéressantes pourront être tirées sur la spécificité des tribunaux administratifs dans le domaine des relations professionnelles.

Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2015

The research examines the interface of history and fiction. It predominantly focuses on historical fiction on the Zimbabwean liberation war written in Shona, Ndebele and English and published after the attainment of political independence in 1980. Historical fiction on the liberation war is both biographical and autobiographical. Consequently, the study comes to the conclusion that historical fiction is a veritable stakeholder in the history issue in Zimbabwe. It becomes another type or source of history that cannot be papered over when dealing with the nation’s history. In a nation where liberation war history is not only taken seriously, but is also a vigorously contested terrain, historical fiction becomes part of those discursive contestations, particularly on nation and nationalism. It is in this regard that the study problematises the interface of history and fiction by reasoning that historical fiction published in the early 1980s largely advances a state-centered perspective which views history, nation and nationalism in positive terms. This discourse uses history in order to argue for a single nation that derives its identity from the heroic and symbolic guerrilla characters. Nationalism is exclusively presented as humanising and as being the sole legitimate political brand capable of leading the nation. On the other hand, historical fiction written in English and published in the late 1980s onwards represents alternative historical truths that contest nationalism and debunk official definitions of nation. This discourse leads to the pluralisation of perspectives on nation and nationalism. The focus on historical fiction published in three languages used in Zimbabwe is a conscious attempt to transcend ethnicity in critical scholarship. Discussing novels in Shona, Ndebele and English, which are the three main languages in Zimbabwe, makes it possible for the study to draw reasoned conclusions on the bearing of time, language, region and background among others on historical representation. This undertaking brings to the fore how literature responding to similar historical processes appears moderately conjunctive and principally disjunctive. Correspondingly, it also shows various trends in the development of liberation war fiction in Zimbabwe. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

<p>The aim is to increase our understanding of the mechanisms of social categorization and discrimination, as well as the connection between them. This has been accomplished by examining Swedish refugee policy towards Jewish refugees during the Second World War and the Holocaust, as conducted by The Foreigner’s Bureau of the National Board of Health and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during 1938−1944. The study also compares the Swedish refugee policy with that of Denmark, Switzerland, Great Britain and the United States. The investigation is guided by such concepts as social categorization, discrimination, antisemitism, organizational culture and established practice. The primary sources are documents, minutes and personal dossiers; <i>Svensk författningssamling</i> (legislation) and articles in <i>Sociala Meddelanden</i> (the National Board’s official journal).</p><p>The main conclusions are that Sweden was not perceived as a country of immigration, based partly of the widespread fear that too many Jewish refugees would create a “Jewish Question”. Swedish authorities discriminated against Jewish refugees on grounds of “race” through a process of categorization. This process began already in the 1920’s, and gradually transformed the definition of “Jew” from a religious to a “racial” definition, based on the Nuremberg Laws. The differentiation of Jewish refugees in official statistics ceased in September 1943, yet it continued secretly until February 1944, encompassing the Norwegian and Danish Jews as well. One important result shows that the shift in policy – from discrimination to large scale reception – was a slow process where this differentiating practice and antisemitic perceptions remained operative. What is defined as an antisemitic background bustle is used to explain how moderate antisemitic expressions were perceived as “unbiased” and “normal” within the Swedish society. Though Sweden’s refugee policy seems similar to that of other countries surveyed, the shift in policy stands out as unique in comparison.</p>

本研究以上海市社會局為主體，探討其從1945年10月至1949年4月間各項業務執行的情況及其市民生活的關係。首先從社會局的職權與人事談起，社會局最早成立於1927年7月，負責農工商業相關行業的註冊、處理勞資糾紛與相關統計。一年後職權增加了對人民團體和社會福利機構的管理，也負責各種度量衡器具的檢定，戰後再增加糧食管理及書報影劇審查兩項工作。就人事方面而言，社會局局長以吳開先在任的時間最長，同時他也出任市黨部的執行委員會委員。另外針對1948年社會局全體公務員的學經歷進行分析，發現49歲以下的職員占絕大多數，以學歷而言，超過半數的男性職員受過不同程度的高等教育，女性職員是以中學學歷者占多數，附屬機構的公務員則更年輕，學歷也相對較低。與戰前的社會局相比最大的特點在小學以下的成員大幅減少和隨著局長異動而大量換人的情形也不復存在。 本研究的其他部分皆與社會局如何執行它的職權有關，分為四大主題：(1)報紙、雜誌、通訊社審查；(2)電影戲劇審查；(3)調整工資及調解勞資爭議；(4)對人民團體的管理。 在報紙、雜誌、通訊社審查部分，共舉行了三次大規模清查措施，只有1949年3-4月的「報刊總清查」才有比較主動的抽查措施。在獲准發行的報紙與雜誌中有一個特點，就是越晚獲得許可的刊物轉呈次數越多，可見社會局沒有最終決定權。在沒有獲得發行的報紙與雜誌中，社會局常以「申請手續不完整」的理由(包括各種文字)讓申請案無法通過，數量上甚至多過發行後才被查禁的。 社會局對電影影片的審查是某種形式上的複審，重點是核對內政部發給的准演執照是否相符。劇團、票房和俱樂部審查強調的重點是表演內容，包括所有劇本、科白與節目流程都要申請核准方能表演。總計3202部電影中未通過審查的只有28部，凡是有墮落的、不符現實的場景與情節都會被要求刪減或修改。劇本審查方面，可能出於受戰爭影響無暇創作或比較容易通過審查，大多以重演舊的劇目為主。 工人工資的調整以市政府每月發佈的生活費指數乘上1937年6月的底薪為計算方式，與糧食價格互相比較，貨幣購買力逐確實漸下降，使得多數工人不足以養家活口，所以勞資爭議越來越多。而就勞資爭議進行分析，以有沒有發生罷工停業分為兩類，有罷工停業的案件有589件，沒有罷工停業的則有5521件。就行業類別來看，與上海的產業結構相符，以紡織業最多。從具體的個案討論中，社會局確實努力促成和解，但卻沒有能力預防與阻止勞資爭議與暴力衝突。 人民團體分為資方的同業公會、勞方的工會、與一般民眾的社會團體，三者的數量在戰後四年間皆有顯著的成長。從電影院公會的例子可以看出，公會與社會局爭執的焦點在票價的調整，還有公會也必須負責各種臨時性或經常性的賑災捐款。相關資料也顯示，社會局對於勞工福利設施推行不力，也無法控制工會基層組織，在那些被共產黨吸收的工會中，社會局只能在警察局取締之後，解散工會再加以重組，無法有效防止共產黨的滲透。社會團體的問題在於社會局僅僅做到登記的工作而無法加以有效的管理，即使是國民黨成立的團體也是如此。 整體來說，社會局在這四年的時間裡，雖然進行很多種的社會統計，也透過機關刊物向民眾進行法令宣傳，但被動的登記成效比較好而主動執行力不足，其中又以無法有效防止勞資爭議與積極管理各種人民團體為主要缺點。 / This thesis draws on archival data from Shanghai’s Bureau of Social Affairs (Shehui ju 社會局) to examine how this organization undertook its duties between October 1945 and April 1949 (the period of the Chinese Civil War), as well as its impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. Founded in July 1927, the Bureau was initially responsible for the registration of agricultural and industrial sectors, resolution of wage disputes, and compilation of business statistics. It was subsequently burdened with additional duties, including the oversight of civic organizations and social welfare institutions, examination of measurement tools, regulation of foodstuffs, and censorship of publications. The thesis begins with a discussion on the Bureau’s administrative structure and personnel. Director Wu Kaixian had the longest incumbency of all the staff members, and also served as a commissioner in the Executive Committee of the KMT’s City Party Office. In terms of the backgrounds of public servants who worked at the Bureau, the data collected indicates that in the year 1948 most were less than 49 years of age. Over half of the male civil servants had received various higher education degrees, while the most of the women merely had secondary educations. The staff members of the Bureau’s affiliated institutions were generally younger and had lower educational levels. The period covered by this study differed from the prewar years in witnessing fewer people with only preliminary educational background, while personnel changes became less relevant following the appointment of new Directors. The rest of the thesis centers on how the Bureau executed its authority and carried out its duties, with the subject matter being divided into the following four categories: 1) Censorship of newspapers, magazines, and news agencies; 2) Censorship of motion pictures and dramas; 3) Reconciliation of wage and labor disputes; 4) Governance of civic organizations. Three large-scale censorship campaigns involving newspapers, magazines, and news agencies were undertaken, but only the “General Censorship” from March to April 1949 witnessed proactive measures. In considering censored newspapers and magazines, it seems especially noteworthy that the latter publications were released more often than being transferred, which suggests that the Bureau did not have the authority to make final decisions. The reason given by the Bureau for banning certain newspapers and magazines from publication was usually “incomplete application procedure.” The quantity of such publications was even greater than those banned after publication. The Bureau’s process of re-examining motion pictures focused on the validity of licenses issued by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The criteria of censorship adopted by theatres, box offices, and clubs placed greater emphasis on performance content, including scripts, voiceover, and program rundowns. Of 3,202 movies examined by the Bureau, only 28 failed to pass, with discouraging and unrealistic scenarios usually being deleted or modified. Most of the adopted scripts were somewhat dated, perhaps due to wartime lack of creativity and productivity. The adjustment of the labor wages was based on the product of the government-issued monthly cost of living index multiplied by salary levels of July 1937. Against the background of rising food prices, purchasing power parity proved relatively low, which rendered blue-collar workers less able to sustain their families and sparked increasing wage disputes. Such conflicts can be categorized by whether or not they resulted in strikes, with those triggering strikes numbering 589 and those that did not 5,521. Like Shanghai’s overall industrial structure, the textile industry led others in terms of such disputes. The Bureau did intervene by trying to promote reconciliation, yet it failed to prevent such disputes and resulting acts of violence. Civic organizations included employers’ associations, labor unions, and ordinary social groups formed by citizens. The number of all three kinds of organizations increased significantly during the four years of the Chinese Civil War. As can be seen in the case of the Cinema Association, the major point of conflict between Bureau and the Association centered on adjustments of ticket prices and the Association’s assuming responsibility for all kinds of charitable donations on a regular or temporary basis. The records reveal that the Bureau was not serious about the welfare infrastructure for laborers, and proved unable to control the grassroots organization of the labor unions. The Bureau could not prevent the Communist Party from exerting increasing influence over unions, but did dissolve them after police crackdowns and then attempted to reorganize them. The main issue with these civic organizations was that the Bureau was only in charge of registration yet proved unable to manage effective mobilization, a phenomenon that applied even to those organized by the KMT. In conclusion, the thesis argues that during the four years covered by this study, despite the fact that the Bureau was able to compile extensive sociological statistics and disseminate rules of law via its publications, its ability to execute policy decisions turned out to be far less effective. Moreover, the Bureau could not effectively suppress labor disputes and mobilize relevant civic organizations.