Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Cette thèse porte sur les jeux d'évolution et de congestion.Après une revue des études sur les jeux de congestion dans les réseaux dans le chapitre 1, nous étudions la relation entre la composition des joueurs (non-atomiques, atomiques, composites) et les coûts d'équilibre dans les chapitres 2 et 3. En particulier, l'impact de la formation des coalitions est examiné.Les chapitres 4 et 5 introduisent le comportement de délégation dans les jeux composites et les jeux divisibles en entiers. Plusieurs jeux et processus de délégation dans des contextes différents sont définis et étudiés.Enfin, nous nous penchons sur l'aspect dynamique des jeux. Le chapitre 6 est consacré à une dynamique à deux échelles qui modélise le phénomène de sélection à niveaux multiples. La thèse est conclue par une revue des études sur les dynamiques de type réplicateur dans le chapitre 7.

Οι μεταγραφικοί παράγοντες COUP-TF (Chicken Ovalbumin Upstream Promoter Transcription Factor) ανήκουν στην υπεροικογένεια των υποδοχέων στεροειδών/ θυρεοειδών ορμονών και θεωρούνται “ορφανοί”, αφού μέχρι στιγμής δεν έχει βρεθεί το υπεύθυνο πρόσδεμα για την ενεργοποίηση τους. Πειραματικές διαδικασίες στο εργαστήριο μας έχουν δείξει ότι στο πρωτογενές μετάγραφο των COUP-TFs συμβαίνει εναλλακτικό μάτισμα που έχει ως αποτέλεσμα την παραγωγή δύο mRNAs που κωδικοποιούν δύο πρωτεΐνες οι οποίες διαφέρουν ως προς το μέγεθος λόγω της εισαγωγής 21 επίπρόσθετων αμινοξέων στην καρβοξυτελική περιοχή (Carboxy Terminal Extension) της περιοχής πρόσδεσης στο DNA (DBD). Πειράματα EMSA με τη χρήση in vitro μεταφρασμένων πρωτεϊνών, αποκάλυψαν ότι η μεγάλη πρωτεΐνη δεν μπορεί να προσδεθεί σε κανένα COUP-TF στοιχείο απόκρισης. Επίσης παρατηρήθηκε ότι παρουσία της μεγάλης πρωτεΐνης, η ικανότητα της μικρής πρωτεΐνης να προσδένεται στο DNA μειώνεται με ανταγωνιστικό τρόπο, οδηγώντας στο συμπέρασμα ότι το ετεροδιμερές πρωτεϊνικό σύμπλοκο δεν μπορεί να προσδεθεί στο DNA. Σκοπός μας είναι να ερευνήσουμε το ρόλο της ένθεσης των 21 αμινοξέων στην μεγάλη πρωτεΐνη, ως προς την ικανότητα πρόσδεσης της στο DNA. Στον αχινό Paracentrotus lividus, η αμινοξική ένθεση στην καρβοξυτελική περιοχή (CTE) της μεγάλης πρωτεΐνης περιέχει δύο προλίνες. Η υπόθεση μας είναι ότι αυτές οι δύο προλίνες παίζουν σημαντικό ρόλο στην στερεοδιαμόρφωση της πρωτεΐνης, επηρεάζοντας την ικανότητα πρόσδεσης στο DNA. Για να ελέγξουμε την υπόθεση αυτή, προκαλέσαμε σημειακές μεταλλάξεις, μεταλλάσσοντας συγχρόνως τις δύο προλίνες σε αλανίνες αλλά κάθε μία προλίνη σε αλανίνη μεμονωμένα, καθώς επίσης μελετήσαμε και μια σειρά εσωτερικών αμινοξικών ελλειμάτων μέσα στην ένθεση των 21 αμινοξέων στην καρβοξυτελική περιοχή. Το σύνολο των μεταλλάξεων έδειξε ότι οι μεταλλαγμένες μεγάλες πρωτεΐνες δεν προσδένονται στο DNA καθώς επίσης ότι οι μεταλλαγμένες μεγάλες πρωτεΐνες ετεροδιμερίζονται πιο αποτελεσματικά με την μικρή ισομορφή πιθανότατα λόγω επαγόμενης αλλαγής της στερεοδιαμόρφωσης της μεταλλαγμένης πρωτεΐνης. Επίσης μελετήσαμε την εξάπλωση του εναλλακτικού ματίσματός στα Δευτεροστόμια, χρησιμοποιώντας ειδικούς εκφυλισμένους εκκινητές σε πειράματα PCR. Εναλλακτικό μάτισμα των μεταγράφων COUP-TF παρατηρήθηκε επίσης στους οργανισμούς Sphaerechinus granularis (Εχινόδερμο) και Saccoglossus kowalevskii (Ημιχορδωτό). / COUP-TFs (Chicken Ovalbumin Upstream Promoter- Transcription Factors) belong to the superfamily of steroid/thyroid hormone receptors and they are consider orphans since the proper ligand that activates them is not yet found. Experimental procedures in our laboratory have shown that in Echinoderms the alternative splicing of the COUP-TF primary transcript results in two mRNAs which encode two protein variants that differ by a 21 amino acid insertion in the Carboxy Terminal Extension (CTE) of the DNA Binding Domain (DBD). EMSA experiments with the use of in vitro translated proteins revealed that the large protein variant is incapable of binding any COUP-TF response elements. Furthermore, in the presence of the large variant, the small COUP-TF protein ability to bind DNA is diminished in an antagonistic way, suggesting that the heterodimeric protein is also incapable of DNA binding. Our aim is to investigate the role of the 21aa insertion in the large variant regarding the DNA binding affinity. In sea urchins the CTE insertion in the large variant contains two prolines. Our hypothesis is that these two prolines play an important role in the protein‟s conformation which in turn is responsible for the loss of DNA binding. To check this, we created point mutations by mutating both prolines to alanines simultaneously and then each proline to alanine separately. We also analyzed a series of internal amino acid deletions within the 21aa insertion of the CTE. All the mutations proved that the large mutated proteins are incapable of binding DNA and that they heterodimerize more effectively with the small protein variant possibly because of the changed conformation of the large protein variant. We also studied the alternative splicing among Deuterostomes, by using degenerate primers in PCR experiments. We observed that alternative splicing of COUP-TF transcripts occurs in the sea urchin Sphaerechinus granularis and in the hemichordate Saccoglossus kowalevskii.

Em 1964 ocorreu um golpe de Estado no Brasil, no qual as forças armadas, em conjunto com uma parcela da população, tomaram os cargos políticos e instauraram um governo autoritário. No estado de Minas Gerais, na microrregião do Pontal do Triângulo Mineiro, na cidade de Ituiutaba, longe das capitais, o golpe civil-militar se fez sentir em forma de intervenção. A chegada de uma junta militar armada em cooperação com civis no município forçou a renúncia do prefeito, do vice e de mais cinco vereadores, além da prisão de três destes últimos e de um assessor do prefeito - todos ligados às políticas trabalhistas, em sua maioria filiados ao PTB. Em seus lugares foi colocado outro grupo político, ligado ao diretório local da UDN. Essa junta também fechou um jornal local, a Folha de Ituiutaba, e impediu sua circulação, culminando na prisão do proprietário e de seu redator chefe, que foram levados ao Departamento de Ordem Política (DOPS) em Belo Horizonte e obrigados a prestar depoimento. Nesse contexto, ressurge um jornal que já circulou na região, o Correio do Triângulo, que, nessa nova versão, retorna como porta-voz desse novo grupo que conquistou a hegemonia política local. Essa aliança ainda perseguiu e prendeu líderes sindicais locais, desarticulando o recém-fundado Sindicato dos Trabalhadores Rurais de Ituiutaba. Essa pesquisa se propõe a analisar os desdobramentos do golpe civil-militar na microrregião do Pontal do Triângulo Mineiro, pensando além dos redutos convencionais de estudos sobre o golpe que priorizam análises nas grandes capitais e em níveis nacionais. Procuramos entender o processo histórico, fatores e repercussão, as ações e reações a esses acontecimentos e a maneira como foram sentidos, vivenciados e executados na conjuntura local. Desse modo, analisamos a trama política quando da instauração do golpe e o impacto deste na microrregião. Para tanto, pretende-se trabalhar com diferentes fontes disponíveis, entrecruzando-se as informações e fazendo a crítica de diversos documentos, tais como: fontes hemerográficas, fontes textuais - atas da Câmara Municipal, documentos do DOPS de Belo Horizonte, processo crime e um documento pessoal - e de fontes orais - depoimentos e narrativas de sujeitos que vivenciaram direta ou indiretamente esses acontecimentos na microrregião no ano que se efetivou a implementação da ditadura e a tomada de poder local. / In 1964, a coup d'état occurred in Brazil, in which the armed forces, together with a portion of the population, took political posts and established an authoritarian government. In the state of Minas Gerais, in the micro-region of Pontal do Triângulo Mineiro, in the city of Ituiutaba, far from the capitals, the civil-military coup was felt in the form of intervention. The arrival of an armed military junta in cooperation with civilians in the city forced the resignation of the mayor, the vice mayor and five other councilors, as well as the arrestments of three of the latter and an mayor advisor - all linked to labor policies, mostly affiliated to the PTB (Brazilian Labor Party). They were replaced by another political group, linked to the UDN (National Democratic Union) local directory. This junta also closed a local newspaper, Folha de Ituiutaba, and prevented its circulation, culminating in the arrestments of the owner and his chief editor, who were taken to the Political Order Department (DOPS) in Belo Horizonte and forced to testify. In this context, a newspaper that has already circulated in the region, the Correio do Triângulo, reappears, which, in this new version, returns as a spokesman for this new group that has won local political hegemony. This alliance still persecuted and arrested local union leaders, dismantling the newly founded Union of Rural Workers of Ituiutaba. This research proposes to analyze the consequences of the civil-military coup in the micro-region of Pontal do Triângulo Mineiro, thinking beyond traditional studies on the coup that prioritize reviews in large capitals and national levels. We seek to understand the historical process, factors and repercussions, actions and reactions to these events and the way they were felt, experienced and executed in the local context. In this way, we investigate the political plot when the coup was established and its impact on the micro-region. In order to do so, it is intended to work with different sources available, intersecting information and criticizing several documents, such as: hemerographic sources, textual sources - city hall minutes, DOPS documents of Belo Horizonte, personal document - and oral sources - testimonials and narratives of subjects who experienced these events, directly or indirectly, in the micro-region, in the year that the implementation of the dictatorship and the local takeover took place. / Dissertação (Mestrado)

No description available.

This dissertation of limited scope traces the attempts by Gorbachev (1985-1991) to reform an economic, political and social system which was in a state of terminal decline. The origins of its demise, it is argued, lay in the ossified command economy inherited from Stalin. The enormous damage inflicted on Soviet agriculture during collectivisation in the 1930s~ when millions of productive peasants died, proved to be a fatal blow to that sector. Tlms, Gorbachev followed a two-fold strategy ofrefonn. Glasnost (openness) was introduced to allow constructive debate on economic and social matters. Despite a hesitant beginning, the right to criticise allowed the emergence of more radical campaigners, such as Yeltsin who demanded greater democracy. Significantly, the revival of ethnic nationalist demands in the republics led to disintegration. Perestroika (restructuring) was intended to modernise and boost living standards. The economy faltered but the market was not yet in place / History / M.A. (History)

Os idos de março e a queda em abril, primeiro livro publicado sobre a história do golpe de 1964, foi impresso no mês seguinte à queda do presidente João Goulart. Frequentemente utilizada por estudiosos que buscam acesso aos acontecimentos daqueles dias que marcaram a história brasileira, a obra foi produzida por oito jornalistas do Jornal do Brasil, periódico que se destacou na campanha para derrubar o governo. O conjunto das narrativas, coerente com o que foi publicado no veículo para o qual trabalhavam seus autores, é favorável ao golpe de Estado. Como fonte, portanto, a maior riqueza do documento está relacionada à possibilidade de melhor compreender a atuação dos profissionais da imprensa brasileira no período. / Os idos de março e a queda em abril, the first book published about the history of the 1964 coup détat, was printed in the month following President João Goularts fall. Often used by those who search access to the happenings of the days that marked Brazilian history, the book was written by eight journalists of Jornal do Brasil, a newspaper that stood out in the campaign to overthrow the government. The assemblage of the essays, coherent with what had been published in the newspaper for which the authors worked, is favorable to the coup détat. As a source of history, the most important aspect of the document is related to the possibility of better understanding the performance of the Brazilian Newspaper professionals in the period.

Os idos de março e a queda em abril, primeiro livro publicado sobre a história do golpe de 1964, foi impresso no mês seguinte à queda do presidente João Goulart. Frequentemente utilizada por estudiosos que buscam acesso aos acontecimentos daqueles dias que marcaram a história brasileira, a obra foi produzida por oito jornalistas do Jornal do Brasil, periódico que se destacou na campanha para derrubar o governo. O conjunto das narrativas, coerente com o que foi publicado no veículo para o qual trabalhavam seus autores, é favorável ao golpe de Estado. Como fonte, portanto, a maior riqueza do documento está relacionada à possibilidade de melhor compreender a atuação dos profissionais da imprensa brasileira no período. / Os idos de março e a queda em abril, the first book published about the history of the 1964 coup détat, was printed in the month following President João Goularts fall. Often used by those who search access to the happenings of the days that marked Brazilian history, the book was written by eight journalists of Jornal do Brasil, a newspaper that stood out in the campaign to overthrow the government. The assemblage of the essays, coherent with what had been published in the newspaper for which the authors worked, is favorable to the coup détat. As a source of history, the most important aspect of the document is related to the possibility of better understanding the performance of the Brazilian Newspaper professionals in the period.

Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de investigar o cinema de propaganda política produzido por duas associações de caráter ideológico, entre os anos 1961 e 1964: o Instituto de Pesquisas e Estudos Sociais (Ipês), dirigido principalmente por ricos empresários liberais e anticomunistas; e o Centro Popular de Cultura (CPC da UNE), constituído por jovens artistas influenciados pelas idéias marxistas. Para tanto, busquei articular informações provenientes da análise intrínseca de seus filmes com as do contexto histórico em que foram feitos e exibidos e, em especial, as extraídas da documentação a que tive acesso, com o intuito, então, de compreender os modelos cinematográficos aos quais essas obras se alinharam. Ao estudar como ipesianos e cepecistas foram adversários em meio às instabilidades de um Brasil próximo ao Golpe de 1964, foi possível constatar como os dois grupos financiaram a atividade cinematográfica com a expectativa de intervir nos rumos socioeconômicos e culturais do país a partir de projetos conflitantes que, por um lado, pretendiam fortalecer o poder da elite com um capitalismo de base liberal e, por outro, romper com as estruturas de poder capitalistas. Nesse sentido, mesmo com essas divergências, a pesquisa demonstra como ambos utilizaram um discurso próximo em suas filmografias, repleto de similaridades, que se manifesta no uso de técnicas e linguagens idênticas, como é o caso das experiências estéticas didáticas e das representações do povo com a finalidade de concretizar um programa ideológico para a nação. Assim, esse mestrado procura defender a hipótese de que, mesmo politicamente opositores, Ipês e CPC manusearam um referencial cinematográfico com diversas semelhanças. / The present dissertation aims the investigation of the political propaganda film industry production between 1961 and 1964 by two ideological character associations: the Instituto de Pesquisas e Estudos Sociais Ipês (Research and Social Studies Institute), managed especially by liberal and anticommunist rich businessmen; and the Centro Popular de Cultura CPC da UNE (Culture Popular Center), constituted of young artists influenced by marxist ideas. And to do so, I tried to join information provided by the intrinsic analysis of their films and the historic context in which they were produced and released and, especially, the information taken from the documentation I had access to, with the purpose of understanding the cinematographic models to which these films attached. By studying how ipesianos (term used to refer to the members of Ipês) and cepecistas (term used to refer to the members of CPC) were opponents in the instable Brazil near the 1964 coup detat, it was possible to observe how both groups financed their cinematographic activity, expecting to exercise some influence on the country cultural and socioeconomic course, by producing conflicting projects intended to, on the one hand, strengthen the power elite by supporting liberal based capitalism, and on the other hand, bring the capitalist power structures to an end. Nevertheless, even showing divergences, this research makes evident how both groups made use of analogue methodology on their filmographies, full of similarities, expressed in their identical techniques and languages, which can be seen in their didactical esthetic experiences and representations of the people with the purpose of concretize an ideological program for the nation. Therefore, the main goal of this masters degree is to support the hypothesis that, even being politically opposite, Ipês and CPC made use of very similar cinematographic referential.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-05-16T15:27:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 danielcerqueirapinto.pdf: 959426 bytes, checksum: 68a859bd7a3781bd34b6919537bf9464 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-16T15:57:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 danielcerqueirapinto.pdf: 959426 bytes, checksum: 68a859bd7a3781bd34b6919537bf9464 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-16T15:57:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 danielcerqueirapinto.pdf: 959426 bytes, checksum: 68a859bd7a3781bd34b6919537bf9464 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-17 / Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964 foi um acontecimento muito importante na história recente no Brasil. No contexto do início dos anos de 1960, após a renúncia do Presidente Jânio Quadros e posse de João Goulart, notou-se intensas conspirações de militares, políticos e dos setores produtivos contra o Presidente Goulart, incluindo propaganda política variada com capitais gerenciados pelo IPES e pelo IBAD visando à desestabilização final do governo. A participação do General Olympio Mourão Filho foi muito marcante para o sucesso destes acontecimentos. Ele teria agido como grande articulador, ou seja, um dos condutores das ideias que preparou o movimento por onde ele passou. Em 31 de março de 1964, o general Mourão Filho, que comandava a 4ª RM/4ª DI, em Juiz de Fora – MG, teria deslocado as tropas revoltosas em direção ao Rio de Janeiro a fim de depor o Presidente João Goulart e os generais legalistas e implantar novo governo a partir de 1º de abril. Mourão Filho iniciou seus trabalhos conspiratórios ainda em 1962, quando comandou a 3ª Divisão de Infantaria, em Santa Maria – RS, passando em seguida para São Paulo. No momento final, teria desprezado a articulação de outros setores, revoltando as tropas mineiras. A partir desta hipótese, procura-se destacar as relações entre segmentos da elite direitista nacional e dos militares com o próprio Presidente João Goulart, a fim de compreender a participação de Mourão Filho na articulação e nos rumos dos acontecimentos. / The Civil-Military Coup of 1964 is a very important happening in Brazil’s recent history. In the context of the beginning of the 1960’s, after the renunciation of President Jânio Quadros and after João Goulart took office, it has been noted intense conspirations from the military, politician and productive sectors against president Goulart, including varied politic propaganda sustained by IPES and IBAD, with eyes to finalize the destabilization of the government. The participation of General Olympio Mourão Filho was very important for the success of these events. He would have acted as the great articulator, i.e. one of the conductor of the ideas that prepared the movement through where he passed. In March 31, 1964 General Mourão Filho, who commanded the 4th Military Region/ 4th Infantry Division, in Juiz de Fora – MG, would have moved the revolting troops in direction to Rio de Janeiro with the meaning to depose President João Goulart and the legalist generals and establish a new government in April 1st. Mourão FIlho started his conspiratory works still in 1962, when he commanded the 3rd Infantry Division, in Santa Maria – RS, then moving to São Paulo. In the final moment, he would have despised the articulation of other sectors, revolting the Minas Gerais troops. From this hypothesis on, this work intends to highlight relations between segments of the rightist national elite and of the military and their relation with President João Goulart, in order to understand the participation of Mourão Filho in the articulation and the flow of the events.