Abstract This thesis describes the development of a new precipitation index-based conceptual water balance model with parameters easily regionalized through the functional relationship with catchment and climate attributes. It also presents a simple method for improving model dynamics for streamflow simulations in a non-stationary climate. The model was developed for streamflow modelling and prediction in high-latitude catchments, where model parameter regionalization is difficult due to limited availability of hydrological data for the region. The model couples a snow accumulation and melt formulation with a current precipitation index (CPI) formulation to simulate daily precipitation in runoff hydrograph pattern from catchments with seasonal snow cover. Using new runoff conversion factors CT and Lf, and a threshold flow factor ThQ, the simulated CPI hydrograph is converted into daily runoff and routed using the transformation function Maxbas. The model was developed in Microsoft Excel workbook and tested in 32 catchments in Finland, a region with considerable seasonal snow cover. The results showed that the model can adequately simulate and reproduce the dynamics of daily runoff from catchments where the underlying physical conditions are not known. In addition, incorporating temperature conditions influencing inter-annual variability in streamflow into the model structure improved its structural dynamics, thereby improving its performance in a non-stationary climate. Most model parameters showed strong relationships with observable catchment characteristics, climate characteristics, or both. The parameter functional relationships derived from the model parameter-catchment relationships produced equally good model results when applied to independent test catchments used as mock-ungauged catchments. Inclusion of snow-water equivalent records and use of multiple objective functions for snow-water equivalent and runoff simulations during model optimization helped reduce the effect of parameter equifinality, making it easier to determine optimal parameter values. The current precipitation index (CPIsnow) model is a parsimonious tool for predicting streamflow in data-limited high-latitude regions. / Tiivistelmä Tämä väitöskirja käsittelee yksinkertaisen sadantaan perustuvan konseptuaalisen vesitasemallin kehitystä ja soveltamista boreaalisille valuma-alueille sekä malliin liittyvää alueellista parametrisointia valuma-alueominaisuuksien ja ilmastoaineiston perusteella. Hydrologinen malli on luotu laskemaan ja ennustamaan valuntaa pohjoisille valuma-alueille, joilta on vähän hydrologista tietoa. Malli yhdistää lumen kertymisen ja sulannan tunnettuun sadantaindeksiin perustuvaan malliin (CPI) ja edelleen simuloi päivittäisen hydrografin valuma-alueille, joilla on selkeä lumipeitteinen ajanjakso. Malli laskee MaxBas funktion avulla CPI:llä muodostetun hydrografin päivittäiseksi valunnaksi valuntaan liittyvien malliparametrien CT ja Lf sekä virtaaman kynnysarvon ThQ avulla. Malli kehitettiin Excel-ympäristössä ja sitä testattiin 32 valuma-alueella Suomessa. Valuma-alueet edustivat maantieteellisesti kattavasti alueita, joilla esiintyy tyypillisesti kausittainen lumipeite. Saadut tulokset osoittivat, että kehitetty malli simuloi ja tuottaa päivittäisen valunnan riittävällä tarkkuudella valuma-alueille, vaikka hydrologista ja fysikaalista tietoa alueilta olisi niukasti. Useimmat malliparametrit olivat vahvasti riippuvaisia joko valuma-alue ominaisuuksista tai ilmastollisista parametreista tai molemmista. Parametrien funktionaalinen yhteys muodostettiin valuma-alueiden ominaisuuksien perusteella ja testattiin riippumattomalla valuma-aluejoukolla hyvin tuloksin. Malliparametrien samatavoitteellisuutta eli ekvifinaliteettiä voitiin vähentää huomioimalla mallissa lumen vesiarvomittaukset sekä hyödyntämällä useita parametrisia funktioita. Tällöin myös optimaalisten parametrien löytyminen nopeutui ja helpottui. Tämän väitöstyön pohjalta syntynyt uusi sadannan indeksiin pohjautuva laskentamalli (CPIsnow) mahdollistaa valunnan arvioinnin pieniltä valuma-alueilta, joilta on niukasti aineistoa saatavilla ja joissa lumen sulanta ja kertyminen ovat keskeisiä hydrologisia prosesseja.

This diploma thesis analyses the current state of corruption in the Czech Republic. Primarily I focus on public administration and public sector, however I seek a comprehensive view on the issue in my thesis. The first part presents the theoretical approaches to corruption, bureaucracy and public administration, lobbying, interest groups etc. The practical part deals with methods of measuring corruption, the position of the Czech Republic against other states, legal specification of corruption and the impact of corruption in the states economy. Furthermore, I present causes of origin and spread of corruption and analyse current and planned instruments of government anticorruption fight in combination with the activities of organizations dealing with corruption. The aim of my thesis is to determine whether the current anti-corruption steps are properly set and whether those steps are actually implemented.

[pt] O estudo consiste em uma proposta de análise da argumentação e do emprego de metáforas de cunho moral nas notas taquigráficas da Comissão Parlamentar de Inquérito (CPI) da Petrobras, conduzida na Câmara dos Deputados em 21/10/2015, com participantes de diferentes partidos políticos no Brasil. Busca-se estabelecer relações entre a argumentação política, metáforas morais e a interação social em contexto. Procura-se discutir, em especial, o uso de metáforas morais utilizadas na contestação ou na adesão ao relatório da CPI em notas da sessão final da CPI. São apresentadas diferentes concepções de metáfora na literatura, com enfoque especial de metáforas no contexto político. O instrumental teórico e analítico é da Teoria da Argumentação (Schiffrin, 1987), sob uma perspectiva dialógica, e da Sociolinguística Interacional, mediante conceitos da situação social, da estrutura de participação, com foco contextual. A pesquisa é de cunho qualitativo documental, a partir do relatório e das notas taquigráficas registradas na última sessão da CPI. Mediante a análise entre o relatório e os comentários dos deputados, pudemos perceber retomadas de contestação e de adesão. As metáforas de cunho moral utilizadas vão de um contexto mais amplo, o país, a contextos mais específicos, a Petrobrás, a CPI, o relatório, bem como remetem a atributos dos participantes dos partidos políticos. O estudo proporciona maior entendimento da argumentação política dialógica, contribuindo para a compreensão do funcionamento das metáforas morais na linguagem de participantes de partidos políticos em um contexto social atual, nos embates em torno da crise política brasileira. / [fr] L étude consiste en une proposition d analyse de l argumentation et de l utilisation des métaphores morales dans les notes sténographiques du Comité d enquête parlementaire de Petrobras (CPI), menées à la Chambre des députés le 21/10/2015, avec des participants de différents partis politiques au Brésil. Il cherche à établir des relations entre argumentation politique, métaphores morales et interaction sociale en contexte. On cherche à discuter, en particulier, de l utilisation de métaphores morales utilisées dans le cadre du concours ou de l adhésion au rapport du CPI dans les notes de la session finale de la CPI. Différentes conceptions de la métaphore sont présentées dans la littérature, avec un accent particulier sur les métaphores dans le contexte politique. Les outils théoriques et analytiques sont issus de la Théorie de l Argumentation (Schiffrin, 1987), d un point de vue dialogique, et de la Sociolinguistique Interationale, à travers les concepts de la situation sociale, de la structure de participation, avec un focus contextuel. La recherche est documentaire qualitative, basée sur le rapport et les notes sténographiques enregistrées lors de la dernière session de la CEP. Grâce à l analyse entre le rapport et les commentaires des Membres, nous avons pu percevoir la reprise de la contestation et de l adhésion. Les métaphores morales utilisées vont d un contexte plus large, le pays, à des contextes plus spécifiques, Petrobras, la CEP, le rapport, ainsi que se référer aux attributs des participants des partis politiques. L étude fournit une meilleure compréhension de l argumentation politique dialogique, contribuant à la compréhension du fonctionnement des métaphores morales dans le langage des participants des partis politiques dans un contexte social actuel, dans les conflits autour de la crise politique brésilienne.

This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-10-20T14:04:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 William Marcos Botelho.pdf: 1275140 bytes, checksum: ff82e763305af4ea510c3c386c002552 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-20T14:04:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 William Marcos Botelho.pdf: 1275140 bytes, checksum: ff82e763305af4ea510c3c386c002552 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-29 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This dissertation aims to describe and analyze the documentation of the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (CPI) of the National Union of Students (UNE) showing its constitution, organization, main themes, and the developments of that fact to the Brazilian student movement. The CPI was created by the Resolution number 25, published in the Diário do Congresso Nacional (National Congress Diary) of July, the 13th, 1963, page 4329, having the interest of investigating the application of public resources foreseen by the budget of the Union in the period between 1962 and 1963 and that were used for the student activities linked to the UNE. The research runs through the process until final approval of the report. The temporal cut of the research is from the year 1962, when the UNE happens to be accused as subversive by the Congress and the vehicles of communication, to the year 1964 when the process is closed. The CPI does not prove the diversion of funds, but, in fact, consolidates itself as a vehicle for the dismantling of the student body, based on clashes between students, teachers and congressmen. The main sources were the documents produced during the process, all found in the Chamber of Deputies / Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de descrever e analisar a documentação da Comissão Parlamentar de Inquérito (CPI) da União Nacional dos Estudantes (UNE) mostrando sua constituição, organização, principais temas, e os desdobramentos deste fato para o movimento estudantil brasileiro. A CPI foi instalada pela Resolução nº 25, publicada no Diário do Congresso Nacional (DCN) de 13/07/1963, p. 4329 com o interesse de investigar a aplicação de recursos públicos previstos pelo orçamento da União no período entre 1962 e 1963 e que foram utilizados para as atividades estudantis vinculadas à UNE. A pesquisa perpassa a trajetória do processo até a aprovação final do relatório. O recorte temporal da pesquisa é de 1962, quando a UNE passa a ser acusada subversiva no congresso e pelos veículos de comunicação, a 1964 quando do fechamento do processo. A CPI não prova os desvios de verbas, mas se consolida, de fato, como veículo para o desmonte da entidade estudantil, a partir de embates feitos entre estudantes, professores e congressistas. As fontes principais foram os documentos gerados durante o processo, encontrados na Câmara dos Deputados

Aujourd’hui, l’Afrique est sans aucun doute la partie du monde la plus affectée par la commission des crimes internationaux les plus graves. Pourtant, depuis des décennies, il existe des mécanismes juridiques visant à sanctionner les responsables des crimes qui heurtent la conscience humaine. Seulement, l’échec relatif de ces mécanismes peut pousser l’observateur à se demander s’il est possible de garantir la diffusion du droit international pénal sur le continent africain. Cette interrogation est loin d’être incongrue, car même si un nombre important d’états africains ont ratifié le Statut de Rome qui organise la répression du génocide, des crimes contre l’humanité, des crimes de guerre et même du crime d’agression, il n’en demeure pas moins que l’application de ce Statut dans les différents ordres juridiques concernés est très souvent compromise. La principale raison à cela c'est que, le droit international pénal ne tient pas forcément compte des particularismes juridiques des états qui ont pourtant la primauté de compétence, en vertu du principe de subsidiarité, pour sanctionner la commission des crimes internationaux selon les règles classiques de dévolution des compétences. De plus, il faut préciser que l’Afrique est le terrain de prédilection du pluralisme juridique qui favorise la juxtaposition de l’ordre juridique moderne et de l’ordre juridique traditionnel. Si le premier est en principe réceptif aux normes internationales pénales, le second qu’il soit musulman ou coutumier avec l’exemple des Gacaca rwandais, repose sur une philosophie juridique différente de celle du droit international pénal. Dans tous les cas, l’articulation du droit international pénal avec les ordres juridiques africains est une des conditions de sa diffusion. Cette articulation pourrait d’ailleurs être favorisée par le dialogue entre les juges nationaux et internationaux qui doivent travailler en bonne intelligence pour édifier un système international pénal ; d’où l’intérêt pour les états africains de favoriser une coopération effective avec les juridictions pénales internationales. Il va sans dire que, tout ceci ne sera possible qu’au sein des régimes politiques démocratiques capables de renoncer aux règles et pratiques juridiques anachroniques pour s’appuyer sur une politique criminelle pouvant favoriser, dans un avenir plus ou moins lointain, un véritable universalisme du droit international pénal. / Today, Africa is undoubtedly part of the world most affected by the commission of the most serious international crimes. Yet for decades, there are legal mechanisms to punish those responsible for crimes that shock the conscience of humanity. But the relative failure of these mechanisms can push the viewer to wonder if it is possible to ensure the dissemination of international criminal law on the African continent. This question is far from being incongruous, because even if a significant number of African states have ratified the Rome Statute that governs the fight against genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression even, the fact remains that the application of the Statute in the different legal systems involved is often compromised. The main reason for this is that international criminal law does not necessarily take into account the legal peculiarities of the states that have yet the primacy of jurisdiction under the subsidiarity principle, to sanction the commission of international crimes by the conventional rules devolution of powers. In addition, it should be noted that Africa is the stomping ground of legal pluralism that promotes juxtaposition of the modern legal system and traditional law. If the first is normally receptive to criminal international standards, the second whether Muslim or customary with the example of the Rwandan Gacaca is based on a different legal philosophy from that of international criminal law. In all cases, the articulation of international criminal law with African legal systems is one of the conditions of release. This link could also be encouraged by the dialogue between national and international judges who must work in harmony to build an international criminal system; hence the need for African states to promote effective cooperation with international criminal courts. It goes without saying that all this will be possible only in democratic political systems which can waive the rules and legal practices anachronistic to press a criminal policy that can promote in a more or less distant future, a true universalism of international criminal law.

Le crime d'agression se veut etre un des quatre crimes internationaux sous la juridiction de la CPI. Lorsque les delegues a la Conference de Rome n'eurent point atteint de consensus sur une definition du crime, celui-ci resta, depuis, indefini en droit. En consequence, la CPI n'aura juridiction pour entendre des causes portant sur le crime d'agression qu'une fois la definition sera adoptee par l'Assemblee des Etats Parties au plus tot en 2009. Ce memoire traite trois problematiques liees au crime d'agression : la question de la responsabilite penale individuelle, le role du Conseil de securite de l'ONU, et les parametres du crime en tant que tel. La responsabilite penale individuelle est analysee, inter alia, du point de vue du principe des sources du droit international. Quant al'eventuelle implication du Conseil de securite dans le champ de competence de la CPI sur le crime d'agression, l'auteure soutient tel que suit: Si le Conseil de securite se voit accorde un pouvoir plus large que celui dont il est presentement dote en vertu des articles 13(b) et 16 du Statut de Rome, chaque membre permanent aura un veto sur toute situation d'agression qui serait autrement portee devant la Cour. Ceci aura pour consequence de politiser la CPI en ce qui a trait au crime et rendra hypothethique toute definition eventuelle. Si la definition est bien con9ue et redigee, on fait valoir, qu'il n' est point necessaire de limiter davantage la competence de la CPI. Les parametres de la definition du crime proposes par l'auteure sont etablis selon les conclusions d'une analyse des notions composantes de l'agression. L'essentiel du concept se veut un recours illegal et non-necessaire qui constitue une rupture ala paix. Amoins qu'il ne soit exerce en « legitime defence» ou en vertu d'un mandat du Chapitre VII, Ie recours ala force constitue prima facie une agression et s'il est suffisamment grave, il s'agira d'un crime d'agression. Ce memoire termine avec un projet de definition du crime d'agression en vue d'avancer Ie discours vers un consensus sur ces problematiques majeures. Non seulement est-il possible d'arriver aun consensus sur la definition, croit l'auteure, mais nous sommes plus que jamais al'aube d'y parvenir. / The crime of aggression is one of the four international crimes under the jurisdiction of the ICC. When delegates at the Rome Conference were unable to agree on the content of a definition, the crime was left undefined. As a result, the ICC can only begin prosecuting individuals for the crime of aggression once a definition is adopted by the Assembly of States Parties in 2009, at the earliest. This thesis examines three issues associated with the crime of aggression: the question of individual criminal responsibility, the role of the UN Security Council and the general scope of the definition of the crime of aggression itself Individual criminal liability is reviewed, inter alia, from the perspective of international sources doctrine. Regarding the role of the Security Council in relation to the crime of aggression, the author concludes: if the Security Council is vested with more powers than it already has under Articles 13(b) and 16 of the Rome Statute, each permanent member will have a veto over any situation of aggression that might otherwise be brought before the Court. This would result in a complete politicization of the ICC and render moot any future definition of the crime of aggression. If a definition for the crime of aggression is properly conceived and constructed, it is argued, there is no need to further limit the Court's exercise of jurisdiction. The author proposes general parameters for the scope ofthe definition based on conclusions reached in the analysis of the conceptual components of aggression. At its essence, the act of aggression is the unnecessary, unlawful use of force which constitutes a breach ofthe peace. Unless employed in "self-defence" or under a Chapter VII mandate, the use offorce constitutes prima facie an act of aggression, and if it is sufficiently grave, a crime ofaggression. This thesis concludes with a working definition ofthe crime of aggression to promote dialogue and ultimately a consensus on these core issues. Not only is a definition is within reach, the author believes, we are closer to it than we ever have been before. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des Études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de LL.M. en Maîtrise en droit Option recherche"

La recevabilité est le cœur de la procédure judiciaire. Elle permet d’étudier la pénalisation de la vie internationale. Elle semble pouvoir rendre compte de la réponse judiciaire à la rancœur internationale au regard des grands faits criminels ; quel qu’en fut le territoire de commission.Cette thèse porte sur la notion de recevabilité devant la Cour pénale internationale. Avec la création de la CPI, la justice pénale internationale prend une dimension nouvelle. La pratique de la Cour est encore récente. L’étude est le prétexte pour examiner le fonctionnement de la Cour pénale internationale. Les Etats ont tenté de limiter la capacité de recevoir de la Cour. Ils l’ont ainsi fondée sur le principe de la complémentarité. Elle supplée l’inaction ou l’action défaillante des Etats, qui ont le devoir de poursuivre les auteurs de crimes internationaux. L’article 17 du Statut de Rome énonce les exceptions permettant de déclarer une affaire recevable devant la CPI. Ainsi, la recevabilité d’une affaire ayant fait l’objet d’une enquête ne sera retenue que s’il est prouvé que les Etats n’ont pas l’intention de mener véritablement à bien les poursuites. Et, que par ailleurs, le seuil de gravité de l’affaire est atteint. Le caractère universel de la compétence de la CPI est battu en brèche par les conditions de recevabilité. On analyse la recevabilité comme une condition de compétence à juste titre, car c’est bien le manquement de l’Etat à assurer l’effectivité des poursuites qui justifie que l’affaire soit déclarée, par la Cour elle-même, recevable. Les conditions requises pour que la Cour puisse agir, force est de constater l’implication du système de recevabilité tant sur l’organisation de la Cour que sur ses rapports avec les Etats. Celles-ci ne sont pas négligeables. De fait, le système de recevabilité est amené à évoluer. Il se caractérise par sa capacité à influencer le droit interne. Ainsi, la décision de recevoir doit amener les Etats à adapter leur droit interne. La viabilité de la Cour, à long terme, dépend du maintien d’une synergie de coopération avec les juridictions nationales, des États parties et d'autres Etats. Le système de recevabilité tend à mettre en évidence des indicateurs émergents dans la pratique de la Cour pénale internationale. C’est notamment le réalignement frappant des rôles des acteurs internationaux et la relation nouvelle qui s’instaure entre les Etats et la Cour. Le système de recevabilité de la Cour tend à éroder le principe de la souveraineté de l'Etat, sans être elle-même balayée par l'opposition catégorique des Etats souverains. / Admissibility is the heart of the judicial process. It studies the criminalization of international life. It seems to account for the judicial response to the international resentment against the great criminal acts, whatever was the territory of commission.This thesis deals with the notion of admissibility before the ICC. With the creation of the ICC, International Criminal Justice is a new dimension. The practice of the Court is still new. The study is an excuse to investigate the operation of the ICC. States have tried to limit the ability to receive from the Court. They did so based on the principle of complementarity. It compensates the action or inaction of failing states, which have a duty to prosecute international crimes. Article 17 RS sets out exceptions to declare a case admissible before the ICC. Thus, the admissibility of a case which is the subject of an investigation will be accepted only, if it is shown that States did not intend genuinely to carry out prosecutions. And that furthermore, the threshold of gravity of a case is reached. The universal nature of the jurisdiction of the ICC is undermined by the conditions of admissibility. Analyzing the admissibility of competence as a condition rightly, for it is the failure of the state to ensure effective prosecution to justify that the case will be declared by the Court itself, admissible. The requirements for the Court to act, it is clear involvement of the system of admissibility as on the organization of the Court that its relationship with the United States. These are not insignificant. In fact, the system will evolve admissibility. It is characterized by its ability to influence the law. Thus, the decision to receive should encourage States to adapt their domestic law. The viability of the Court, in the long run depends on maintaining a synergy of cooperation with national courts of States Parties and other States. The system of admissibility tends to highlight indicators emerging in the practice of the International Criminal Court. This is especially striking realignment of the roles of international actors and the new relationship established between the States and the Court. The system of admissibility of the Court tends to erode the principle of state sovereignty, without itself being swept by the opposition of sovereign states.

Special Purpose acquisition company (SPAC) är ett skalbolag grundat av investerare med det enda syftet att samla kapital genom en börsintroduktion för att senare förvärva ett annat bolag. Tidigare empirisk forskning för SPAC har fokuserat på egenskaperna hos SPAC bolagen samt deras långsiktiga och kortsiktiga avkastning. Denna studie tar en kvantitativ ansats och syftar till att undersöka vilka underliggande makroekonomiska faktorer har bidragit till en ökning i antalet SPAC bolag. Detta undersöks genom en linjär regressionsanalys där studien undersöker korrelationen mellan olika variabler. Studien syftar även till att se om de underliggande makroekonomiska faktorer bakom ökningen av traditionella börsintroduktioner är detsamma som de bakom SPAC. All data för SPAC, makroekonomiska variabler och börsintroduktioner har samlats in genom olika databaser som Yahoo Finance och Nasdaq. Studiens resultat visar på att vissa makroekonomiska variabler som testats för en korrelation har en påverkan på antalet SPAC och börsintroduktioner medans vissa variabler inte bevisade någon påverkan. Variabeln som visade starkast korrelation med antalet SPAC är den generella marknadens avkastning där det är tydligt att om den generella marknaden är stark så är viljan att göra en börsnotering större Studien fann även att de makroekonomiska variabler bakom ökningen av antalet SPAC och vanliga börsnoteringar inte skiljer sig åt. / This paper is written in Swedish. A special purpose acquisition company (SPAC) is a shell company set up by investors with the sole purpose of raising money through an IPO to eventually acquire another company. Past empirical research on Special purpose acquisition companies has mostly focused on the characteristics of the SPACs and long term returns as well as the short term returns. This study takes a quantitative approach and aims to examine whether underlying macroeconomic factors have contributed to the increase in SPAC companies. This is done by a linear regression analysis that tests for correlations between different variables. The study also aims to see if the underlying macroeconomic factors behind the increase of traditional IPOs are the same as those behind SPACs. All data regarding SPACs, IPOs and the macroeconomic factors were collected from different databases and websites such as Yahoo finance and NASDAQ. The results from this study show that some of the macroeconomic factors which were tested for a correlation indeed have a positive impact on the number of SPACs and IPOs and some did not. The variable that showed the strongest correlation was the performance of the general market and it is clear that when the general market is strong the willingness to go public increases. The study also finds that the macroeconomic variables behind the increase in the number of SPACs and IPOs do not differ.

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des Études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de LL.M. en Maîtrise en droit Option recherche" / Le crime d'agression se veut etre un des quatre crimes internationaux sous la juridiction de la CPI. Lorsque les delegues a la Conference de Rome n'eurent point atteint de consensus sur une definition du crime, celui-ci resta, depuis, indefini en droit. En consequence, la CPI n'aura juridiction pour entendre des causes portant sur le crime d'agression qu'une fois la definition sera adoptee par l'Assemblee des Etats Parties au plus tot en 2009. Ce memoire traite trois problematiques liees au crime d'agression : la question de la responsabilite penale individuelle, le role du Conseil de securite de l'ONU, et les parametres du crime en tant que tel. La responsabilite penale individuelle est analysee, inter alia, du point de vue du principe des sources du droit international. Quant al'eventuelle implication du Conseil de securite dans le champ de competence de la CPI sur le crime d'agression, l'auteure soutient tel que suit: Si le Conseil de securite se voit accorde un pouvoir plus large que celui dont il est presentement dote en vertu des articles 13(b) et 16 du Statut de Rome, chaque membre permanent aura un veto sur toute situation d'agression qui serait autrement portee devant la Cour. Ceci aura pour consequence de politiser la CPI en ce qui a trait au crime et rendra hypothethique toute definition eventuelle. Si la definition est bien con9ue et redigee, on fait valoir, qu'il n' est point necessaire de limiter davantage la competence de la CPI. Les parametres de la definition du crime proposes par l'auteure sont etablis selon les conclusions d'une analyse des notions composantes de l'agression. L'essentiel du concept se veut un recours illegal et non-necessaire qui constitue une rupture ala paix. Amoins qu'il ne soit exerce en « legitime defence» ou en vertu d'un mandat du Chapitre VII, Ie recours ala force constitue prima facie une agression et s'il est suffisamment grave, il s'agira d'un crime d'agression. Ce memoire termine avec un projet de definition du crime d'agression en vue d'avancer Ie discours vers un consensus sur ces problematiques majeures. Non seulement est-il possible d'arriver aun consensus sur la definition, croit l'auteure, mais nous sommes plus que jamais al'aube d'y parvenir. / The crime of aggression is one of the four international crimes under the jurisdiction of the ICC. When delegates at the Rome Conference were unable to agree on the content of a definition, the crime was left undefined. As a result, the ICC can only begin prosecuting individuals for the crime of aggression once a definition is adopted by the Assembly of States Parties in 2009, at the earliest. This thesis examines three issues associated with the crime of aggression: the question of individual criminal responsibility, the role of the UN Security Council and the general scope of the definition of the crime of aggression itself Individual criminal liability is reviewed, inter alia, from the perspective of international sources doctrine. Regarding the role of the Security Council in relation to the crime of aggression, the author concludes: if the Security Council is vested with more powers than it already has under Articles 13(b) and 16 of the Rome Statute, each permanent member will have a veto over any situation of aggression that might otherwise be brought before the Court. This would result in a complete politicization of the ICC and render moot any future definition of the crime of aggression. If a definition for the crime of aggression is properly conceived and constructed, it is argued, there is no need to further limit the Court's exercise of jurisdiction. The author proposes general parameters for the scope ofthe definition based on conclusions reached in the analysis of the conceptual components of aggression. At its essence, the act of aggression is the unnecessary, unlawful use of force which constitutes a breach ofthe peace. Unless employed in "self-defence" or under a Chapter VII mandate, the use offorce constitutes prima facie an act of aggression, and if it is sufficiently grave, a crime ofaggression. This thesis concludes with a working definition ofthe crime of aggression to promote dialogue and ultimately a consensus on these core issues. Not only is a definition is within reach, the author believes, we are closer to it than we ever have been before.