Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2017-03-21T11:37:54Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Nathália Santos de Castro - 2017.pdf: 1425163 bytes, checksum: 864a1e92a5f1fa0f585b40b34bd07361 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-03-21T12:15:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Nathália Santos de Castro - 2017.pdf: 1425163 bytes, checksum: 864a1e92a5f1fa0f585b40b34bd07361 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-21T12:15:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Nathália Santos de Castro - 2017.pdf: 1425163 bytes, checksum: 864a1e92a5f1fa0f585b40b34bd07361 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-03 / This text outlines the development of our research contained in the Postgraduate Program in History - Professional Masters of UFG – Catalão/Go. Our research theme was the use of cinema in the classroom as a didactic aid working in specific the history of Che Guevara, showing how his history is inserted in two textbooks - in specific - and still in the biographies of Jorge Castañeda - "Che Guevara: Life in Red "(2006) and Jon Lee Anderson -" Che Guevara: A Biography "(1997). Our general objective will be to change the teaching of History, thinking how the images and the films can bring a different perception of the history of Che Guevara and also, in a more complex field, the History of the Cuban Revolution. One of the main problems that emerged during our research can be explained by the following question: how can the history teacher teach the context of the Cuban Revolution through the images of Che Guevara and the proposed films? It is worth mentioning that the films to be worked on in our research were "Che Guevara - The Argentine" and "Che Guevara - The Guerrilla" both directed by Steven Soderbergh of the year 2008. The various faces of Che Guevara allows us to question the character, Allowing us to present a more collective story. Several constructions were made regarding Che Guevara, now being presented as a hero and now as a homicide. It should be noted that there are some appropriations from both the right and the left that contribute to the construction of these various faces. From then on, the teacher will introduce students to the various ways of understanding History as well as making the student realize that he is also a builder of history. / Este texto esboça o desenvolvimento de nossa pesquisa contida no Programa de Pós-graduação em História – Mestrado Profissional da UFG – Regional Catalão. Nosso tema de pesquisa foi o uso do cinema em sala de aula como um auxílio didático trabalhando em específico a história de Che Guevara, mostrando como sua história está inserida em dois livros didáticos – em específico – e ainda nas biografias de Jorge Castañeda – “Che Guevara: a vida em vermelho” (2006) e de Jon Lee Anderson – “Che Guevara: uma biografia” (1997). Nosso objetivo geral será a mudança no ensino de História, pensando como as imagens e os filmes podem trazer uma percepção diferente da história de Che Guevara e ainda, em um campo mais complexo, a História da Revolução Cubana. Um dos principais problemas que emergiu durante nossa pesquisa pode ser explanado pela seguinte pergunta: como o professor de História pode ensinar o contexto da Revolução Cubana por meio das imagens de Che Guevara e os filmes propostos? Vale ressaltar que os filmes a serem trabalhados em nossa pesquisa foram “Che Guevara – O Argentino” e “Che Guevara – A Guerrilha” ambos dirigidos por Steven Soderbergh do ano de 2008. As várias faces de Che Guevara nos permite fazer um questionamento do personagem, nos permitindo apresentar uma história mais coletiva. Foram feitas várias construções em relação a Che Guevara, ora sendo apresentado como um herói e ora como um homicida. Deve-se atentar que existe algumas apropriações tanto da direita quanto da esquerda que contribui para construção dessas diversas faces. A partir de então, o professor irá apresentar aos alunos as diversas formas de compreender a História bem como fazer o aluno perceber que ele é também um construtor da história.

Este trabalho analisa filmes do cineasta Chris Marker que indagaram sobre a Unidade Popular do Chile nos anos 1970. Entre as produções abordadas, estão duas que foram remontadas a partir de documentários chilenos feitos durante o governo de Salvador Allende: La première année (1973) e On vous parle du Chili: ce que disait Allende (1973). Além disso, mais três filmes desse realizador se dedicaram ao tema: La Spirale (1976), Lambassade (1974) e O fundo do ar é vermelho (1977). Por meio do estudo dessa filmografia, identificaram-se quais foram as estratégias narrativas utilizadas e qual foi o discurso político sobre a chamada experiência chilena que essas estratégias elaboraram. A reflexão sobre o corpus permitiu verificar que o interesse por esse processo, visto desde a França, emergiu do espaço deixado pelas frequentes desilusões diante de uma referência política anterior, igualmente vinda da América Latina e que havia motivado os debates da esquerda francesa na década de 1960: a Revolução Cubana. Assim, optou-se por incluir também na pesquisa produções markerianas que nasceram do contato entre esse realizador e o Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC): Cuba si (1961), La bataille des dix millions (1970), On vous parle du Brésil: tortures (1969) e On vous parle du Brésil: Carlos Marighela (1970). A análise dos filmes elencados revela que, durante os anos da UP no poder, houve uma vontade de aproximação entre Chile e França que valorizava os caminhos empregados pela via chilena ao socialismo, apontando-os como possibilidades para uma Nova Esquerda europeia. Porém, com o golpe de Estado de 1973, essa postura passou por uma revisão, e a experiência chilena serviu à elaboração de leituras que apontassem um legado e lições que poderiam ser retirados da queda da Unidade Popular. Nesse sentido, as produções de Marker fazem uma denúncia das ações da direita que derrubaram Allende, bem como constroem uma visão autocrítica que indica os erros cometidos pela própria esquerda que possibilitaram essa derrota. Essa tentativa de atribuir um legado e lições buscava responder sobretudo aos anseios de uma esquerda francesa que dispunha de um programa comum de governo fortemente inspirado naquele da UP chilena, mas que deveria ser submetido a uma revisão após o fracasso de sua referência latinoamericana. Sob essa visão, esta tese propõe um estudo voltado à circulação de ideias culturais e políticas entre América Latina e França, que delega ao continente um papel central nessa relação durante os anos 1960 e 1970 e a Chris Marker a função de um mediador cinematográfico. / This work analyses the Chris Markers films that inquired about the Popular Unity in the 1970s. Among the productions approached, two of them have been reassembled from other Chilean documentaries that had been made during the Salvador Allendes government: La première année (1973) and On vous parle du Chili: ce que disait Allende (1973). Furthermore, three other films by Chris Marker have analysed this subject: La Spirale (1976), The embassy (1974) and The grin without a cat (1977). By studying his filmography, this research could identify the narratives strategies that had been used by the director, as well as the political discourse elaborated by them. The reflections about the corpus allowed verify how the interest for this Chilean process, viewed from France, has emerged from an empty space left by the usual delusion given by an earlier reference that had motivated the French left during the 1960s, also gone from Latin-American: the Cuban Revolution. So, we chose to also include in the research the Markers productions came from the relationship between this director and the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC): Cuba si (1961), La bataille des dix millions (1970), On vous parle du Brésil: tortures (1969) and On vous parle du Brésil: Carlos Marighela (1970). The analysis of the films-selected shows that, during the UPs years in the power, there was a wish to approach Chile and France by valorising the Chileans way to the socialism and pointing it as a possibility to the European New Left. However, after the coup détat in 1973, this attempt has been revised and the Chilean experience has been used to elaborate lectures that pointed a legacy and lessons from the follow of Popular Unity. In this sense, the Markers productions denounce the rights actions to overthrow Allende, as well as built a self-criticism vision to indicate the lefts mistakes that had collaborated to the defeat. This wish to show a legacy and lessons has dialogued with the expectations of a Frenchs left that had have a common government programme tightly inspired in the Chileans UP ones, but that has required a revision after the failure of its Latin-American reference. From this point of view, this thesis proposes a study based on the circulation of cultural and political ideas between Latin American and France that delegated to this continent a central role in this relationship during the 1960s and the 1970s, and assigned to Chris Marker the function of a cinematographic mediator.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T19:26:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 25 / Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos / Esta dissertação, tendo como marco temporal o intervalo entre 1959 e 1964, estuda a influência da Revolução Cubana no processo golpista brasileiro empreendido pelos militares em março de 1964. Utiliza-se prioritariamente do material jornalístico produzido pelas principais agências rio-grandenses. O texto está dividido em três capítulos. O primeiro, compreende um breve apanhado da problemática agrária no país, com ênfase nos casos gaúcho (MASTER) e pernambucano (Ligas Camponesas), pela relevância desses movimentos no contexto político da época. O segundo capítulo trata das conseqüências da política da Guerra Fria para a América Latina, priorizando o tratamento dos Estados Unidos para com os países dessa parte do continente americano, em especial após a eclosão da Revolução Cubana. Ressalta-se a alteração do discurso anticomunista que passa ser revestido de outra roupagem, a do anti-cubanismo. O último capítulo demonstra a utilização do discurso anti-Cuba como fator essencial da campanha alarmista efetivada em / This text, having as secular landmark the interval between 1959 and 1964, studies the influence of the Cuban Revolution in the Brazilian coup-minded process undertaken by the military in March of 1964. It is used in priority of the journalistic material produced by the main agencies rio-grandenses. The text is divided in three chapters. The first one, understands a problematic catched briefing of the agrarian one in the country, with emphasis in the cases gaucho (MASTER) and pernambucano (Leagues), for the relevance of these movements in the context politician of the time. As the chapter deals with the consequences of the politics of the Cold War for Latin America, prioritizing the treatment of the United States stops after with the countries of this part of the American continent, in special the union of the Cuban Revolution. It is standed out alteration of the anti-communist speech that passes to be coated with another kind of clothes of the anti-cubanism. The last chapter demonstrates the use of the anti-C

Este trabalho analisa filmes do cineasta Chris Marker que indagaram sobre a Unidade Popular do Chile nos anos 1970. Entre as produções abordadas, estão duas que foram remontadas a partir de documentários chilenos feitos durante o governo de Salvador Allende: La première année (1973) e On vous parle du Chili: ce que disait Allende (1973). Além disso, mais três filmes desse realizador se dedicaram ao tema: La Spirale (1976), Lambassade (1974) e O fundo do ar é vermelho (1977). Por meio do estudo dessa filmografia, identificaram-se quais foram as estratégias narrativas utilizadas e qual foi o discurso político sobre a chamada experiência chilena que essas estratégias elaboraram. A reflexão sobre o corpus permitiu verificar que o interesse por esse processo, visto desde a França, emergiu do espaço deixado pelas frequentes desilusões diante de uma referência política anterior, igualmente vinda da América Latina e que havia motivado os debates da esquerda francesa na década de 1960: a Revolução Cubana. Assim, optou-se por incluir também na pesquisa produções markerianas que nasceram do contato entre esse realizador e o Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC): Cuba si (1961), La bataille des dix millions (1970), On vous parle du Brésil: tortures (1969) e On vous parle du Brésil: Carlos Marighela (1970). A análise dos filmes elencados revela que, durante os anos da UP no poder, houve uma vontade de aproximação entre Chile e França que valorizava os caminhos empregados pela via chilena ao socialismo, apontando-os como possibilidades para uma Nova Esquerda europeia. Porém, com o golpe de Estado de 1973, essa postura passou por uma revisão, e a experiência chilena serviu à elaboração de leituras que apontassem um legado e lições que poderiam ser retirados da queda da Unidade Popular. Nesse sentido, as produções de Marker fazem uma denúncia das ações da direita que derrubaram Allende, bem como constroem uma visão autocrítica que indica os erros cometidos pela própria esquerda que possibilitaram essa derrota. Essa tentativa de atribuir um legado e lições buscava responder sobretudo aos anseios de uma esquerda francesa que dispunha de um programa comum de governo fortemente inspirado naquele da UP chilena, mas que deveria ser submetido a uma revisão após o fracasso de sua referência latinoamericana. Sob essa visão, esta tese propõe um estudo voltado à circulação de ideias culturais e políticas entre América Latina e França, que delega ao continente um papel central nessa relação durante os anos 1960 e 1970 e a Chris Marker a função de um mediador cinematográfico. / This work analyses the Chris Markers films that inquired about the Popular Unity in the 1970s. Among the productions approached, two of them have been reassembled from other Chilean documentaries that had been made during the Salvador Allendes government: La première année (1973) and On vous parle du Chili: ce que disait Allende (1973). Furthermore, three other films by Chris Marker have analysed this subject: La Spirale (1976), The embassy (1974) and The grin without a cat (1977). By studying his filmography, this research could identify the narratives strategies that had been used by the director, as well as the political discourse elaborated by them. The reflections about the corpus allowed verify how the interest for this Chilean process, viewed from France, has emerged from an empty space left by the usual delusion given by an earlier reference that had motivated the French left during the 1960s, also gone from Latin-American: the Cuban Revolution. So, we chose to also include in the research the Markers productions came from the relationship between this director and the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC): Cuba si (1961), La bataille des dix millions (1970), On vous parle du Brésil: tortures (1969) and On vous parle du Brésil: Carlos Marighela (1970). The analysis of the films-selected shows that, during the UPs years in the power, there was a wish to approach Chile and France by valorising the Chileans way to the socialism and pointing it as a possibility to the European New Left. However, after the coup détat in 1973, this attempt has been revised and the Chilean experience has been used to elaborate lectures that pointed a legacy and lessons from the follow of Popular Unity. In this sense, the Markers productions denounce the rights actions to overthrow Allende, as well as built a self-criticism vision to indicate the lefts mistakes that had collaborated to the defeat. This wish to show a legacy and lessons has dialogued with the expectations of a Frenchs left that had have a common government programme tightly inspired in the Chileans UP ones, but that has required a revision after the failure of its Latin-American reference. From this point of view, this thesis proposes a study based on the circulation of cultural and political ideas between Latin American and France that delegated to this continent a central role in this relationship during the 1960s and the 1970s, and assigned to Chris Marker the function of a cinematographic mediator.

Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / In 1959 the popular Revolution of national liberation and independence triumphed in Cuba, extended a few years later into a Marxist-Leninist strategy for building socialism and communism on the island. In this radical social and political context, conditions were ripe for a radical alternative approach to secondary school education. This research confirms and extends existing evidence and analyses, showing that the model of secondary schooling established in revolutionary Cuba shared fundamental aspects of dominant models throughout the world. In particular, Cuba’s revolutionary schools are shown to have adopted a similar approach to mass education, as an investment in human capital and citizen formation. In the analysis of this historical phenomenon, a world-systems geocultural approach is used to describe and explain the non-exceptional form and character of Cuba’s secondary schools. The approach synthesises world-system level economic and cultural aspects, within the concept of a world-systems ‘geoculture’ of development, describing how these interrelated influences historically conditioned secondary school education policy and practice in Cuba. This process is traced through the impact of the world-economy, and related world-systems geocultural assumptions and objectives, over the political economy of Cuba’s socialist project, with direct implications for secondary school education. The world-system level conditioning influence on school policy and practice is shown to have been mediated by the particular national conditions, such that features specific to Cuba’s secondary schools are identified within the broad framework and constraints of the world-system level influence. The world-systems geocultural approach provides a viable, historical account of secondary school policy and practice in revolutionary Cuba. General continuity is identified, in accordance with the broad, world-system level influence. The historical analysis demonstrates the need for a world-system level approach, and supports the need to include world economic and cultural factors, under the geocultural framework.

This project charts the emergence of the Cuban Theatre of the Absurd, or teatro del absurdo, over the course of the 1940s, 50s, and 60s, its suppression by the revolutionary government, and its revival during the "Special Period" of the 1990s. Rather than understand the category as either an extension of the European Theatre of the Absurd, or as the invention of scholars intent on exporting such a schematic to Latin America, the Cuban teatro del absurdo should be recognized as a material phenomenon that evolved organically within the Havana theatre community, proposed a historically specific Cuban absurd as its object of representation, and assumed great ideological importance within the cultural and political landscape of the time. Its chief pioneer and practitioner was Virgilio Piñera, while José Triana and Antón Arrufat produced foundational absurdist works of the post-revolutionary period. Their plays and critical essays affirm the teatro del absurdo as a site of edification for audiences because of the anti-ideological nature of the works performed, and the authority these performances bestow on spectators as meaning creators. Because the teatro del absurdo opened conceptual space for difference in reception, while also operating as a cosmopolitan margin where European influences were incorporated within plays that spoke to the absurdity of Cuba's socio-political reality, it posed a threat to the univocal ideological control of the revolutionary government. The absurdo's resonance during the Special Period and within contemporary Cuban theatre is a testament to its enduring viability as a dynamic form that allows multiple truths and voices to be heard. Chapter one of the study explores the critical archive surrounding both the European Theatre of the Absurd and the Theatre of the Absurd in Latin America and Cuba. It argues that, rather than discard the category as imperfect or perpetuate a paradigm that privileges text over performance, critics should account for its unique ideological currency within the specific context of pre and post-revolutionary Cuba by tracking the material extension of the term and the works subsumed by it within Havana's theatre and performance archive. Chapter two investigates the historical basis of the Cuban absurdo, localizable in the concept of choteo, and maps the concept's valence in the context of 19th century teatro bufo as well as Piñera's early theatre of the 1940s and 50s. Chapter three considers the role of the teatro del absurdo in post-revolutionary Cuba by examining works by Piñera, Triana and Arrufat in conjunction with their critical essays of the time, in order to capture the political significance of the genre as a zone of dissidence and opposition to the total system of the revolution. Chapter four tracks the revival of the teatro del absurdo as a source of endurance during the privation of the Special Period of the 1990s. The re-emergence of voices like Piñera's signaled a return to a past of provocation and confrontation in order to generate a future in which space for difference would be preserved. / text

Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / In 1959 the popular Revolution of national liberation and independence triumphed in Cuba, extended a few years later into a Marxist-Leninist strategy for building socialism and communism on the island. In this radical social and political context, conditions were ripe for a radical alternative approach to secondary school education. This research confirms and extends existing evidence and analyses, showing that the model of secondary schooling established in revolutionary Cuba shared fundamental aspects of dominant models throughout the world. In particular, Cuba’s revolutionary schools are shown to have adopted a similar approach to mass education, as an investment in human capital and citizen formation. In the analysis of this historical phenomenon, a world-systems geocultural approach is used to describe and explain the non-exceptional form and character of Cuba’s secondary schools. The approach synthesises world-system level economic and cultural aspects, within the concept of a world-systems ‘geoculture’ of development, describing how these interrelated influences historically conditioned secondary school education policy and practice in Cuba. This process is traced through the impact of the world-economy, and related world-systems geocultural assumptions and objectives, over the political economy of Cuba’s socialist project, with direct implications for secondary school education. The world-system level conditioning influence on school policy and practice is shown to have been mediated by the particular national conditions, such that features specific to Cuba’s secondary schools are identified within the broad framework and constraints of the world-system level influence. The world-systems geocultural approach provides a viable, historical account of secondary school policy and practice in revolutionary Cuba. General continuity is identified, in accordance with the broad, world-system level influence. The historical analysis demonstrates the need for a world-system level approach, and supports the need to include world economic and cultural factors, under the geocultural framework.

Orientador: Alberto Aggio / Banca: Adriane Vidal Costa / Banca: Marcos Sorrilha Pinheiro / Resumo: No presente trabalho buscamos investigar os fundamentos da elaboração, desenvolvimento e repercussão da ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖ produzida pelo intelectual francês Régis Debray, especialmente a partir da análise do seu livro Revolução na Revolução, publicado em 1967. As formulações de Debray, inspiradas na revolução cubana de 1959, marcaram profundamente a cultura política da esquerda latino-americana a partir da década de 1960. Suas teses influenciaram a esquerda radicalizada regional, que adotou a luta armada como única alternativa para realização e consolidação do projeto revolucionário no continente. Régis Debray envolveu-se com a revolução cubana mais do que qualquer outro intelectual da esquerda ocidental, transformando-se em um dos seus principais ideólogos. A partir de sua experiência com os cubanos, Debray criaria a teoria do ―foco‖, e essa cumpriu, especialmente na década de 1960, o papel de uma ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖, tendo a revolução cubana como paradigma / Abstract: In the present work, we aim at investigating the foundations of the elaboration, development and repercussion of the ―Latin American revolution theory‖, put forth by the French intellectual Régis Debray, from the analysis of his book Revolução na revolução, published in 1967, in particular. Debray's formulations, having taken inspiration in the 1959 Cuban revolution, deeply influenced the political culture of the Latin American left wing from the 1960's onward. His theses influenced the regional radicalized left wing, who adopted armed struggle as the only alternative to the realization and consolidation of the continent's revolutionary project. Régis Debray got more involved with the Cuban Revolution than any other Western left-winged intellectual, becoming one of its main ideologists. From his experience with the Cubans, Debray would create the ―foco‖ theory, which had, particularly in the 1960's, the vole of a ―Latin American revolution theory‖, having the Cuban revolution as its paradigm / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-09-30Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:54:39Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 cordeiro_irx_me_fran.pdf: 527225 bytes, checksum: 1668b35277623df0596f0d206091b235 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / No presente trabalho buscamos investigar os fundamentos da elaboração, desenvolvimento e repercussão da ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖ produzida pelo intelectual francês Régis Debray, especialmente a partir da análise do seu livro Revolução na Revolução, publicado em 1967. As formulações de Debray, inspiradas na revolução cubana de 1959, marcaram profundamente a cultura política da esquerda latino-americana a partir da década de 1960. Suas teses influenciaram a esquerda radicalizada regional, que adotou a luta armada como única alternativa para realização e consolidação do projeto revolucionário no continente. Régis Debray envolveu-se com a revolução cubana mais do que qualquer outro intelectual da esquerda ocidental, transformando-se em um dos seus principais ideólogos. A partir de sua experiência com os cubanos, Debray criaria a teoria do ―foco‖, e essa cumpriu, especialmente na década de 1960, o papel de uma ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖, tendo a revolução cubana como paradigma / In the present work, we aim at investigating the foundations of the elaboration, development and repercussion of the ―Latin American revolution theory‖, put forth by the French intellectual Régis Debray, from the analysis of his book Revolução na revolução, published in 1967, in particular. Debray's formulations, having taken inspiration in the 1959 Cuban revolution, deeply influenced the political culture of the Latin American left wing from the 1960's onward. His theses influenced the regional radicalized left wing, who adopted armed struggle as the only alternative to the realization and consolidation of the continent's revolutionary project. Régis Debray got more involved with the Cuban Revolution than any other Western left-winged intellectual, becoming one of its main ideologists. From his experience with the Cubans, Debray would create the ―foco‖ theory, which had, particularly in the 1960's, the vole of a ―Latin American revolution theory‖, having the Cuban revolution as its paradigm

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2004-04-23Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:54:53Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 ferreira_al_me_assis.pdf: 528444 bytes, checksum: 0a4bf4b165aa6996d94d3c5d79a2361c (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / O advento da Revolução Cubana em 1959 representou um ponto de inflexão na trajetória dos movimentos sociopolíticos da América Latina no século XX. Inspiradas pela vitória dos rebeldes em Cuba, várias organizações de extrema esquerda do continente aderiram à luta armada e à teoria do foco guerrilheiro nos anos 60 e 70. No Brasil, após o Golpe de Estado de 1964, diferentes grupos promoveriam ações revolucionárias contra a ditadura militar instaurada. As idéias de Che Guevara, Fidel Castro e Régis Debray desencadeariam intermináveis debates político-ideológicos entre as diversas correntes de orientação marxista. No presente trabalho procuramos avaliar como a experiência da Revolução Cubana foi apropriada pelas organizações clandestinas brasileiras e, da mesma forma, como seu exemplo serviu para legitimar determinadas posições de setores do movimento comunista no país. / The Cuban Revolution advent in 1959 represented a point of inflection in the trajectory of sociopolitical movements in Latin America in the century XX. Inspired for the rebel's victory in Cuba, several extreme left wing organizations of the continent adhered to the armed combat and the theory of guerrilla focus in the 60's and 70's. In Brazil after the coup d'etat in 1964, different groups would promote revolutionary actions against the established military dictatorship. Che Guevara's, Fidel Castro's and Régis Debray's ideas would trigger endless political-ideological arguments among several groups of Marxist orientation. In the present work we try to evaluate how the experience of the Cuban Revolution was appropriate to the Brazilian clandestine organizations and, in the same way, how their example served to legitimate certain positions of the communist movement in the country.