This study aims to describe and compare the differences and similarities for US mainstream media’s representation of two different coup attempts by using Robert Entman’s Framing theory in terms of legitimacy. The chosen cases are the coup attempt in Turkey (2016) which is an US ally, having a right-wing government and the coup attempt in Venezuela (2002) which has a strained relationship with the US and having left-wing government. The research applies qualitative approach to conduct a small-n case study for comparing and analyzing how the media framed the legitimacy of acts and actors during these two coup attempts. This is an attempt to describe the problematization of theory becoming practice for the US mainstream media regarding the presentation of what is legitimate and what is not. The definition of legitimacy is very clear, but the US mainstream media have issues to reflect this definition to the reality.

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This thesis examines the rich and layered intertextual relationship between five artisticrepresentations of the razed neighborhoods of Chavez Ravine, Los Angeles, and its former residents. These works include Seattle-based photographer Don Normark’s 1999 photography collection Chávez Ravine, 1949: A Los Angeles Story; the full-length dramatic play Chavez Ravine, written and first performed by Los Angeles-based Chicano comedy troupe Culture Clash in 2003; Jordan Mechner’s 2004 short documentary film Chávez Ravine: A Los Angeles Story; Ry Cooder’s musical album Chávez Ravine: A Record by Ry Cooder; and lastly, high school history teacher Ken Aven’s 2006 debut novel, Chavez Ravine Echoes. Together, these five productions make up a case study that engages with the theoretical debate about privileged groups speaking for, or on behalf of, underrepresented groups. This analysis emphasizes a process of representation that is shared and driven by dialogue between the artists of these productions and the place and people they represent. Through the inclusion of resident involvement in the production process and the weaving of narrative elements from both Mexican American and dominant cultural traditions, these projects promote the Ravine’s cultural wealth and visibility within a popular culture dominated by the symbol of Dodger Stadium. This study, through close readings and textual analysis, demonstrates how these works, considered together, open up spaces for cross-cultural discussions about Chavez Ravine and the various roles it plays within U.S. cultural history. More importantly, these five representations of Chavez Ravine figuratively practice and promote a “speaking to and with” model of intercultural communication between dominant and minority cultures.

This thesis examines the use of history, historical narratives and the relation to Venezuelan historical consciousness in Libro Rojo, a publication of The Unified Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). It consists of four parts: an introduction, a declaration of principles, statutes and finally what is called the programmatical bases (bases programaticas) of the party. A starting point for this thesis is that this is an under prioritized area of research about the Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela. It aims to show the centrality of history in these fundamental documents of the biggest left-wing party in Latin America. The thesis finds that symbolically charged historical figures – mainly national icons of Venezuela´s struggle for national liberation - are mobilized to back up contemporary aspirations and influence public perception of what kind of future is possible and desirable. Libro Rojo structures the relationship between past, present and future in order to influence historical consciousness. It also finds that Libro Rojo constructs a vision of socialism which aims to show that the ideas and actions of Venezuela´s symbolically charged historical figures are compatible with the ideas of 19th and 20th century western Marxism. An illustration of this is the reference to Peruvian Marxist José Carlos Mariáteguí and his saying that socialism on the American continent can neither be an imitation nor a copy of foreign models, but a heroic creation of the people. Furthermore in Libro Rojo, the ideas of liberation theology, Christianity as well as "all universal and humanist thought" are evoked as foundations for the contemporary aspirations of the PSUV. The present is situated within a context of contemporary history in which themes such as the struggle of the peoples against neoliberalism and the threats to the survival of humanity due to climate changes, economic crisis and war are central. It describes a near future in which humanity will have a choice: between its salvation and flourishing through socialism, or its extinction through world capitalism.

Objetivo: Describir la percepción de la calidad de atención del control prenatal por la usuaria externa se realiza la investigación descriptiva, no experimental. Material y métodos: usuarias que acudieron a su atención prenatal en los meses octubre, noviembre y diciembre (100 encuestadas en general), Resultados: La satisfacción calculado en las gestantes es de 58%, en cambio insatisfactorio es de 42%, en el centro salud Jorge Chávez es satisfactorio (64,00%), el centro de Nuevo Milenio (52,00 %), en el nivel de insatisfacción es del centro de Nuevo Milenio (48 %) mientras que en el centro de salud Jorge Chávez (36,00%). Conclusión: La percepción de la calidad de atención en las gestantes en ambos centros de salud esta por encima de la mitad del porcentaje en general, lo que demuestra que la atención no es mala pero que si es que debe seguir mejorando.

This dissertation, by using the case of tensions between the United States and Venezuela between 2001-2007, examines Rummel’s hypothesis that democratic countries are inherently peaceful, and investigates whether the tensions in US-Venezuela relations under president George W Bush and president Hugo Chavez confirms or rejects Rummel’s hypothesis. A review of relevant documents, reports by non-governmental organizations and previous research in the field of international relations lead us to the conclusion that while the strained relationship between the US and Venezuela did reach a stage of coercive diplomacy, as defined by Jakobsen, the threats between the two countries did not escalate towards military aggression, and therefore Rummel’s hypothesis is confirmed.

This diploma thesis is dealing with the influence of culture on the foreign policy of Venezuela, showing how socio-cultural determinants are reflected in formation and ideological basis of foreign policy and its realizing on the international stage. The thesis is divided into two parts - the first part is dedicated to the characteristic of venezuelan national culture in general, based on surveys of Hofstede and Inglehart, and in particular, based on such a phenomenon as caudillism, populism and personality cult of Simon Bolívar. The second part of the thesis is handling with the political-economic development in the second half of 20th century. The emphasis is on how the politics in Venezuela which has changed profoundly with the election of Hugo Chávez is reflected in the foreign policy of Venezuela.

Since 2014, the United States has been imposing sanctions on the Venezuelan government in an attempt to accomplish foreign policy goals that would be beneficial to its geopolitical interests in the region and help the Venezuelan people in the process. This research offers a comprehensive empirical analysis of these sanctions. It aims to identify the effects of US sanctions in Venezuela, as intended by the foreign policy goals of the United States, and to measure the effectiveness of sanctions in accomplishing these goals. Additionally, this research seeks to explain the geopolitical strategy of US sanctions as seen through the lens of geoeconomic theory. It will detail the US intensions of generating regime change, restoring democracy, and improving human rights in Venezuela. More specifically, it will reveal the role of sanctions in acting as a geopolitical tool to fulfill these intentions. Ultimately, the research will show how sanctions and companion policies are intended to improve the US-Venezuela relationship that has declined since the time of Hugo Chavez.

Since the system of industrial agriculture first emerged in mid-nineteenth century California, farm workers have been among the lowest-paid and ill treated workers in America’s labor force. Racism, nativism, and the entrenched political power of large-scale growers have combined to ensure that the predominantly non-white, largely foreign-born farm labor force has had little voice in the workplace. The United Farm Worker movement of the 1960s and the 1970s was the largest and most successful effort to alter the dynamics of farm worker power in the United States, giving farm workers greater autonomy in the workplace and resulting in concrete gains in terms of wages and working conditions. The UFW’s efforts culminated in the 1975 passage of California’s Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA), the nation’s first ever law to guarantee farm workers the right to collectively bargain and form unions. But with the passage of the ALRA, the dynamics of power in farm labor relations changed once again; the future of the union would depend upon its ability to adapt to these new realities.

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