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Over the last few decades the importance of human rights has increased considerably in international relations. With globalization and democratization, more states and individuals develop concerns about the fundamental rights every human is entitled to; regardless of sex, religion and ethnicity. Latin American countries began obtaining their independence over 200 years ago while progressing into becoming working democracies. Yet, they have been plagued by oscillating authoritarian regimes and social conflicts that constrain and inhibit their hopeful development. The majority of the Latin American states have reached a point where further positive growth was expected; yet human violations have taken a backseat within the government of such countries. The case studies shed light on the three main causes of human right violations in Latin America. These are: the abuse of power by the government and the subsequent changes to the constitution to gain further control and authority; the government's inadequacy in dealing with subversive groups; and the deficiency of subsequent democratic governments to bring past offenders to trial for crimes against humanity while giving pardons to those who did face trial. By understanding why the violation of human rights occurred, future infringements can be avoided and fundamental rights will be awarded to all humans.

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Les transformations de l'infrastructure économique et ses rapports avec l'État au Venezuela entre 1908 et 2008 constituent l'objet général de cette thèse. Il s'agit de proposer un cadre d'interprétation général de l'histoire économique nationale considérée dans ses liens avec le capitalisme mondial et dans sa spécificité propre. Les forces qui structurent le mode de reproduction de l'économie vénézuélienne ne diffèrent guère de celles valables pour les économies périphériques en générale. La constitution et la hiérarchisation de l'économie mondiale capitaliste apparait comme la détermination la plus générale : les transformations des processus de production des pays du Centre et, leur corrélat, la division internationale du travail imposée à l'ensemble du monde balisent le processus d'accumulation à l'échelle mondiale. Toutefois, bien que l'évolution de l'économie mondiale capitaliste soit la même pour tous, les réponses économiques, politiques et sociales que la division internationale du travail suscitent sont spécifiques à chaque formation. La dichotomie centre/périphérie se traduit par des formes d'articulation différenciées des pays périphériques avec les centres capitalistes. Aussi, c'est ce dernier trait qui permet d'expliquer les différentes trajectoires de développement. En ce sens, les pays mono exportateurs de pétrole constituent des cas extrêmes qui les différencient radicalement des autres pays de la périphérie. Le Venezuela constitue, à cet égard, un exemple classique. Cette caractéristique fonde la différence de structure productive, de rapports de classes et de formes d'Etat entre le Venezuela et les autres pays latino-américains.

abstract: In 1981, Fernando Valenzuela had one of the most unlikely rookie seasons for theLos Angeles Dodgers. Originally from a rural farm town in northern Mexico, he left an enduring legacy that persists within Mexican/American and Latinx fans and communities throughout Los Angeles. Not only did Fernando help the Dodgers capture the World Series, he captured the hearts of the people and the communities who had shunned the Dodgers for decades. This act of protest was a response to the destruction of three neighborhoods—La Paloma, Palo Verde, and Bishop—that were destroyed amid a protracted legal battle with the city of Los Angeles throughout the 1950’s that culminated in coercion, violence, and a new baseball stadium. This project intends to remember the neighborhoods of La Paloma, Palo Verde, and Bishop and those who lost their homes alongside the public memory of Fernando Valenzuela’s unlikely rookie season, dubbed Fernandomania, and his career with the Los Angeles Dodgers. I illumine how the public memories of Fernandomania, a moment of communitas, and Fernando Valenzuela have facilitated the public forgetting of La Loma, Palo Verde, and Bishop by making Chavez Ravine into a novel public idiom for American baseball rather than a site of violence and resistance. In the process of facilitating the public forgetting of these neighborhoods, the sports media commits a pernicious discursive violence upon Fernando Valenzuela’s hyper-visible brown body that reveals the workings of a white racial frame designed to protect American baseball’s white masculine ideology. Ultimately, the Los Angeles Dodgers benefit from Fernando’s unmistakably cultural and racial Mexican identity—the source of his otherization and incongruity with American baseball’s white heroism—as the transgressions of the past are slowly forgotten. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Communication 2020

This thesis was devoted to the topic FARC-EP Fuerzas armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - Ejército del Pueblo (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army). The first part surveys the history of the guerrilla organization from its beginnings to the present. As the beginning of the Colombian guerrilla groups is considered Colombia's La Violencia civil war between 1948-1958 which was caused by disagreements between liberal and conservative party. FARC-EP incurred as a rural guerrilla movement of the Communist Party fraction, and they followed the Marxist doctrine. However, the communist ideals were nowadays replaced by the desire for more power and finance. The historical part of this work was therefore also dedicated to find answers to what is the organizational structure of the FARC, what is the origin of their financing and what are their current targets. In the second part of the thesis the media covering the period from 1st January 2002 to 31st August 2010 was analyzed. This period begins seven months before the onset of ex-president Alvaro Uribe Velez to the presidency after Andres Pastrana and ends one month after the onset of the new president Juan Manuel Santos. It includes more than two presidential periods of Alvaro Uribe and events that contributed to his election, and also the end of...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PEDRO SILVA BARROS.pdf: 657577 bytes, checksum: 711e106e80416ef7ce7b508da057f423 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-18 / Based on the concept that Hugo Chávez s government of Venezuela has an economic policy in process and that the Venezuelan economy is markedly rentist, this research discusses the determining factors in the economic and political dynamics of Venezuela during the command of Hugo Chávez. The first chapter discusses the theoretical foundations for the development plan of Venezuela as proposed by Hugo Chávez s government, in particular the concept of Endogenous Development and its practical implications since 2003. First, the evolution of the debate about Latin American development is presented. It begins with the ECLAC s Structuralism theory in the nineteen forties and fifties; passing through the Dependency theory of the sixties and seventies; and, concluding with the discussion of the Endogenous Development concept, conceived during the nineties as a neostructuralist response to the Washington Consensus program. The first chapter also presents Rentist Capitalism and the Dutch Disease as characteristics of the Venezuelan economy. The second chapter discusses the historical importance of oil to the Venezuelan economy and its influence in politics, in particular with respect to the creation of PDVSA, the state-owned petroleum company. It poses the very social and economical history of Venezuela as the basis to the emergence and consolidation of Chavezism, and presents the three basic determining factors that brought Chávez to power: the crisis of the development model, which is not exclusive to Venezuela, but typical of nearly all Latin American economies; the exhaustion of the Rentist Capitalism model; and, the fatigue of the political pact that governed Venezuela for forty years. The third and last chapter is an attempt to comprehend Chávez s economic policy by presenting and discussing four distinct stages of the economic and political plan, from 1999 to present days. At first, the government program is analyzed. Next, the analysis turns to state control by the new administration, by way of the new Bolivarian Constitution of 1999 and the enabling laws of November 2001. The third stage is the government s political inflexion point and the conservative response represented by the oil companies strike. The last stage represents the controlled State, enabled by Chávez s strengthening with the end of the strike and, mainly, his victory in the referendum of 2004 / Com base na concepção de que o governo Hugo Chávez tem uma política econômica em processo e a economia venezuelana é marcadamente rentista, a pesquisa discute os determinantes da dinâmica econômica e política venezuelana no governo de Hugo Chávez. O primeiro capítulo discute as bases teóricas da proposta de desenvolvimento do governo venezuelano de Hugo Chávez, em especial o conceito de desenvolvimento endógeno e seus desdobramentos práticos a partir de 2003. Em um primeiro momento, o capítulo apresenta a evolução da discussão sobre desenvolvimento na América Latina. Inicia-se com a teoria estruturalista da CEPAL dos anos quarenta e cinqüenta, passa pela teoria da dependência dos anos sessenta e setenta e termina por discutir o conceito de desenvolvimento endógeno , concebido nos anos noventa como resposta neo-estruturalista ao programa do Consenso de Washington . Além disso, esse capítulo apresenta o capitalismo rentista e a doença holandesa como características da economia venezuelana. O segundo capítulo discute a importância histórica do petróleo para a economia venezuelana e sua influência na vida política do país, principalmente após a criação da companhia estatal de petróleo, a PDVSA. O capítulo tenta mostrar que a construção histórica e econômica da sociedade venezuelana foi fundamental para o surgimento e consolidação do chavismo. O capítulo apresenta o que consideramos os três determinantes básicos que levaram Chávez ao poder: além da crise do modelo de desenvolvimento, que não é exclusivo da Venezuela, mas é uma característica de quase todas as economias latino-americanas, o esgotamento do modelo de capitalismo rentístico e do pacto político que governou a Venezuela por quarenta anos. Por fim, o terceiro capítulo é uma tentativa de entender a política econômica chavista com base na apresentação e discussão de seu projeto político-econômico em quatro momentos distintos, de 1999 até os dias de hoje. No primeiro momento, é analisado o programa de governo. Em seguida, o controle do Estado pelo novo governo, por meio da nova constituição de 1999 e das leis habilitantes. O terceiro é o momento de inflexão política do governo e resposta conservadora marcada pela greve patronal-petroleira. O quarto momento se caracteriza pelo Estado controlado, a partir do fortalecimento revogatório de Chávez depois do término da greve e, principalmente, pela vitória no referendo de 2004

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Daniel e Silva.pdf: 1892180 bytes, checksum: da778a8a9e862fd048009b654ef004ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-22 / The objective of this work is to reform the Venezuelan oil in 2001 and its importance for economic and social development in the last period. The procedure is used to search literature and analysis of data released by public agencies responsible for programs of economic and social development. As an economy dependent on oil, Venezuela since 1943, conducting a search process of industrialization by import substitution, but because it is an unearned income economy has never in fact achieve it. With the rise of Hugo Chávez in the conduct of the Venezuelan state in 1999, still without a clear and defined project of economic and social development in the beginning of his government, but understand the need and importance of conducting institutional changes, beginning with the Reform Constitutional and oil, and that from 2001, is the state of exploitation and control of oil resources, while develop again the OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries) and again the oil price in international market returns filling up the country foreign exchange. From 2003, after the coup d'état, there are two main development funds, exchange controls and performs the control of capital, it is used in international reserves and surpluses of oil revenue to place in the economic development process and social in this country. It can be concluded that oil was essential to the reform process initiated development. However, with the eruption of the international financial crisis and reduction of prices of oil, obviously the crisis hit the country, but with the abundance of foreign exchange gains, it is an important source of funding for continuing the process of industrialization by substitution of import / O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender a reforma petroleira venezuelana em 2001 e sua importância para o desenvolvimento econômico e social no último período. O procedimento de pesquisa utilizado é bibliográfico e de análise de dados divulgados por órgãos públicos responsáveis por programas de desenvolvimento econômico e social. Por ser uma economia dependente do petróleo, a Venezuela desde 1943, procura realizar um processo de industrialização por substituição de importação, mas por se tratar de uma economia rentista nunca conseguiu de fato realizá-lo. Com a ascensão de Hugo Chávez na condução do Estado venezuelano a partir de 1999, sem ainda, um projeto claro e definido de desenvolvimento econômico e social em seu início de governo, mas entendendo a necessidade e importância de se realizar mudanças institucionais, começando pela Reforma Constitucional e Petroleira; e que, a partir de 2001, passa ao Estado o controle da exploração e do recurso petrolífero, ao mesmo tempo, rearticula a OPEP (Organização dos Países Exportadores de Petróleo) e novamente o preço do petróleo no mercado internacional, volta a subir enchendo o país de divisas. A partir de 2003, após o golpe de Estado, cria-se dois principais fundos de desenvolvimento, controla o câmbio e realiza o controle de capitais, com isso utiliza-se de reservas internacionais e receitas excedentes do petróleo para colocar em processo o desenvolvimento econômico e social daquele país. Pode-se concluir que a reforma petroleira foi essencial ao processo desencadeado de desenvolvimento. Entretanto, com a erupção da crise financeira internacional e a redução dos preços de petróleo, evidentemente que a crise abaterá sobre aquele país, mas com a abundância de divisas conquistadas, torna-se uma fonte importante de financiamento da continuidade do processo de industrialização por substituição de importação

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação avalia o impacto da política externa venezuelana na conformação de coesão social dentro dos países membros da Aliança Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América (ALBA), especificamente Nicarágua, Bolívia e Equador, analisando aquelas políticas aplicadas durante o mandato do Presidente Hugo Chávez desde a criação do esquema de integração. Trabalha com a hipótese de que existe uma mudança dentro dos países da ALBA no que se refere à geração de coesão social a partir da aplicação de políticas externas que formam parte do chamado Socialismo do Século XXI. Este processo será analisado a partir de três pilares fundamentais da coesão social: distância, institucionalidade e senso de pertencimento, que se encontram dentro dos componentes estabelecidos pela Comissão Econômica para América Latina e o Caribe (CEPAL). / This thesis evaluates the impact of the Venezuelan foreign policy, towards the conformation of social cohesion inside member countries of the Aliança Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América (ALBA), specifically the cases of Nicaragua, Ecuador and Bolivia. This analysis will be made using the policies applied during Chavez government, since the conformation of this integration initiative. The purpose of these work is to develop the hypotheses that a change has been made within the ALBA countries through the indicators of social cohesion as a consequence of Venezuelas foreign policies measures, part of the process denominate as XXI Century Socialism. The development of this process will be examined through three dimensions of the social cohesion defined by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECALC): distance, institucionality and sense of belonging.