No description available.

La notion d'« armes de destruction massive » (ADM) est insaisissable : au lieu d'avoir pour but de mieux définir un type d'arme, elle agit à l'inverse, en créant une confusion entre l'arme et les conséquences de son emploi. Cette nature inconsistante se poursuit au niveau juridique. En effet, bien que l'expression fasse très tôt son entrée au sein des Nations unies, aucun traité ni organe officiel n'a, jusqu'alors, réussi à en donner une définition probante. À défaut de définition incontestable, et en l'absence d'un critère vérifiable d'identification de ce qu'est une « arme de destruction massive », cette notion s'est avérée préjudiciable. L'écart entre la réalité de la menace existante en matière d'« armes de destruction massive » et la façon dont elle fut perçue, puis gérée par la communauté internationale, c'est-à-dire à la fois par les États de façon individuelle et par les organisations internationales et les traités de façon collective, a conduit à de multiples dérives. Par conséquent, s'agissant là d'une notion plus politique que juridique, il apparaît nécessaire qu'elle soit précisée ou abandonnée / The term « weapons of mass destruction » (WMD) is ambiguous: instead of aiming to clearly define a certain type of weapon, it does the opposite by creating confusion between the weapon itself and the consequences of its use. This confusion is also reflected at in the legal definition. Indeed, even though the term has been used by the United Nations from an early stage, no treaty or official entity has succeeded in providing a clear definition to this day. The lack of a clear definition, and the absence of defined criteria to determine what constitutes a « weapon of mass destruction », has turned out to be damaging. The dichotomy between the existing threat from « weapons of mass destruction » and the way it is perceived and handled by the international community, including individual states, international organisations, as well as collective treaties, has resulted in several instances of inappropriate use. As a consequence, the term has become a political rather than legal notion. A clearer legal definition is needed, or otherwise the term should be abandoned

The thesis is focused on radiological and chemical weapons in the context of their use in terrorist attacks against the civilian population in relation to rescue and clean up operations of the Integrated Rescue System (IRS) of the Czech Republic. The objective of the thesis is to specify the terms of radiological and chemical weapons, to assess potential negative consequences of their use with the emphasis on the threat to life and health of the population, to evaluate the economic impact on society and to compare the IRS activities during the immediate intervention carried out after a terrorist attack. The topic is dealt with based on the research and the analysis of rules of law in force regulating activities of the IRS components in these major incidents and also of documents of the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency) and other works focused on the misuse of radioactive and chemical agents in terrorist attacks. Severity and complexity of the issue is illustrated by information given on the radiological accident in Goiana in Brazil, sarin attacks of the Japanese sect Óm šinrikjó and consequences of the model example of the use of radionuclide 137Cs. In the thesis the current methodology on which the IRS components operate in such emergencies is analyzed, and some aspects that are subject of the set of type activities, worked out by the Civil Emergency Planning Committee and DG Fire Rescue Service of the CR, which may become weak points during a real action of the IRS, are pointed out. One of major issues analyzed in this study is comparison of radiological and chemical attacks with the focus on the initial phase of the intervention of the IRS components. Presentation of differences in individual activities of the IRS components in such interventions can contribute significantly to understanding and subsequently managing the activities carried out by the IRS components in these major incidents.

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / The African continent has over the past 40 years witnessed a continued scourge of violent conflict and human rights abuses. These conflicts have significantly undermined the social, political, and economic prosperity of African citizens. Additionally, women and children are particularly affected by these conflicts. Women and children are regarded as ‘the most vulnerable’ as they often become the targets of sexual abuse by the enemy. The African Union (AU) is primarily responsible for the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It professes to be committed to the prevention of human rights abuses and the protection of African women (and children) during armed conflicts. It has thus developed an array of mechanisms, protocols, and instruments to address the exploitation and sexual abuse of women during conflict periods. These instruments include: The Constitutive Act of the AU (2000); The Solemn Declaration of Gender Equality in Africa (2003); the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa- ACHPRWA (2004); and the Protocol relating to the Peace and Security Council. In this research project, I consider whether the narratives used in these AU documents sufficiently and explicitly address the use of rape as a strategic weapon during armed conflicts; or whether these narratives inadvertently contribute to a culture that perpetuates war-time rape. My analysis shows that these AU documents deal with war-time rape in very vague and euphemistic terms. Although gender discrimination, sexual violence, exploitation, discrimination, and harmful practices against women are condemned, the delegitimization of rape as a weapon of war is not specifically discussed. This allows for varying interpretations of AU protocols, including interpretations which may diminish the severity of strategic rape. This has lead me to propose that the narratives used in these AU protocols and related documents draw on patriarchy, perpetuate patriarchy, and thus inadvertently perpetuates a culture that perpetuates the use of rape as a weapon of war

No description available.

Kemisk krigföring i form av luftburna gifter har förekommit i många historiska kontexter. Trots att luftburna gifter, som till exempel giftig rök och gas är likartade företeelser, har inte forskare kunnat enas om äldre former av denna krigföring är jämförbar med den moderna. Huvudorsaken är att deras analyser saknar teoretiska perspektiv som belyser hur respektive   kontexts kemiska förutsättningar påverkar krigföringen. Syftet med den här undersökningen är att jämföra ett modernt nyttjande av luftburna gifter, tyskarnas första klorutsläpp vid Ypres 1915 med ett forntida exempel, den moistiska skolans användande av brandrök som gift under århundradena f. Kr. i Kina. För att kringgå tidigare forsknings problem anläggs ett teoretiskt perspektiv. En teori som belyser dynamiken   mellan kemisk krigföring och respektive kulturs föreställningar om och förhållande till miljön. Undersökningen visar att det är relevant att jämföra det moderna användandet av luftburna gifter med användandet i andra historiska kontexter eftersom det sker i liknande taktiska sammanhang och kräver mycket naturkunskap. Samtidigt belyser analysen att kontexten ger krigföringen en viss karaktär. Moisterna försökte nå framgång genom att samordna och   förbättra den process som gjorde det luftburna giftet effektivt samtidigt som de förlitade sig på generalistkunskap. Tyskarna, däremot förlitade sig på ett så effektivt  kemiskt ämne (agens) som möjligt. För denna typ av krigföring nyttjades utpräglade specialister.   Dessutom var relationen till själva giftet annorlunda i de två kontexterna. Moisterna utsatte sig för röken medan tyskarna avskärmade sig helt från klorgasen. Dessa skillnader går att förstå genom att se hur människorna i respektive kontext utnyttjade den för krigföringen relevanta kemin i icke-militära sammanhang. Den tidigare forskningens problem med att diskutera kemisk krigföring blir också tydligt i undersökningen. Problemet beror på att den vetenskapliga disciplinen kemi medför institutioner och begrepp som begränsar synen på användandet av luftburna gifter. Denna insikt tillsammans med undersökningens övriga resultat belyser något som har relevans för dagens hotbild. Luftburna gifter, kan i rätt sammanhang och genom rätt   prioriteringar göras effektiv utan tillgång till modern vetenskap och industri. Detta bör beaktas när hotbilden från aktörer utan egen militärindustri analyseras. / Airborne poison, as a type of chemical warfare, has been used in many historical contexts. Although airborne poison such as toxic smoke and gas are similar phenomena, researchers have not been able to agree if older forms of warfare are comparable to modern. One reason for this is that their respective analysis lacks theoretical perspectives that account for contextual chemical conditions. The purpose of this study is to compare a modern example of the use of airborne poison, the Germans' first chlorine emissions at Ypres in 1915 with an ancient one, the Mohists use of smoke as a poison in ancient China. A theoretical perspective is applied to circumvent the problems of earlier research. This theory focuses on the dynamics between decision-making in chemical warfare and a particular culture's perception of and relationship to the environment. The study shows that it is relevant to compare the modern use of airborne poison with its use in other historical contexts because the weapon occurs in a similar tactical context. Also this type of warfare requires a lot of knowledge of the natural world. At the same time the analysis illustrates that a specific context gives the warfare a certain character. The Mohists tried to achieve success by coordinating and improving the process by which the airborne poison was made effective. Furthermore they relied on generalist knowledge. The Germans, however, relied on having an efficient chemical substance (agent). For this type of warfare they utilized specialists. The human-poison relationship also differed. The Mohist exposed himself to smoke while the German soldier shut himself off completely from the chlorine gas. These differences can be understood by studying how people exploited similar chemistry in a non-military way  in their respective context. The problems that previous research has had in discussing chemical warfare is also made evident. These problems occur because chemistry as a scientific discipline creates institutions and concepts that limit the view of airborne poison as a weapon. This realization, along with results of the survey in general, illustrates something which has relevance in today’s world. Airborne poison can, in the right place and with the right priorities be effective without modern industrial and scientific resources. This should be considered when analyzing political actors lacking a modern military industry.

Since the creation of modern-day Iraq by the British Empire in 1920, the country’s state territorial structuring has been an ever-evolving source of political instability and conflict. Iraq’s ethnic and sectarian groups have been locked in a near constant struggle over questions of self-rule, shared rule, and secession. Consequently, the territorial model of federalism has never been far from political discussions, negotiations, and territorial disputes. Federalism was finally officially adopted in 2005, giving a new definition to Iraq’s territorial model. But while federalism seemed a natural means of managing Iraq’s long-standing ethno-sectarian divisions and was democratically ratified in a process that included most ethnic and sectarian groups, the model has failed to materialize, and territorial structure remains a major point of contention between the groups. The overarching aim of this dissertation is to shed light on two key questions. First, how have the dynamics between the major ethnic and sectarian groups of Iraq shaped the evolution of the country’s territorial structure from 1920 up to and beyond the federal constitution in 2005? Second, what can the trajectory of this evolution teach us about why federalism was adopted but has failed to materialize? I shall argue that Iraq’s territorial structuring over the past century has been systematically influenced by at least one of four “I”s: the groups’ ideas concerning territorial structuring, their conceptualizations of group identities, their definitions of group interests, and the influence of foreign actors. Focussing on the Shiite Arabs, the Sunni Arabs, and the Kurds, I will examine how these four factors have interacted to shape the territorial organization of Iraq over four key time periods: (i) the foundation of Iraq in 1920 to Saddam Hussein’s rise to the presidency in 1979, (ii) Saddam’s rule from 1979 to 2003, (iii) Saddam’s deposition in 2003 to the adoption of the federal constitution in 2005, and (iv) the post-constitutional period from 2005 to the present. I thus hope to explain how evolving inter-group dynamics over the past century have impacted the development of Iraq’s territorial structure, arguing that this sheds light on both the reference to federalism in the 2005 constitution and its subsequent failure to materialize. This dissertation thus demonstrates the powerful ways in which Iraq’s territorial structuring has been shaped by past trends in ethno-sectarian dynamics, putting us in a better position to understand the complexities of the country’s current territorial politics.

The topic of the master thesis is putting together two subjects that always sharply polarize academic, but also political and public debate - euroscepticism and Nobel Peace Prize. Through an analysis of primarily negative debate that followed after awarding Nobel Peace Prize to European Union in 2012 the master thesis is aiming to answer the question to what extent it was the topics typical for euroscepticism that shaped this debate. The paper is operating with a hypothesis that it was this critical phenomenon, typical only for EU, being the main component of the negative debate overshadowing expected criticism with regard to the purpose of the award. For the second hypothesis which anticipates that the topics of euroscepticism make the EU specific laureate is necessary to compare this case with three other international organizations (and their criticism) that were recently awarded with the Nobel Peace Prize. These organizations include Organization for Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (laureate in 2013), Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (2007) and United Nations (2001). The first chapter introduces the Nobel Peace Prize and its specifications. The topics typical for euroscepticism are generated in the second part through academic debate on both party politics euroscepticism and public...

The thesis: "The Causes of Iraqi War: Why the US Administration decided to invade Iraq in 2003" focuses on explanation why the administration of the USA made that step. The specification of the roots of war is based on five causes and seventeen subcauses according to the essay of Stephen Van Evera and other scholars, and the paper trough the methodology of text's analyzes investigates behavior, decision-making process and motivations of the US administration (the level of units) and some steps of the US president G. W. Bush (individual level) in the process leading to the war in Iraq. Concerning the causes of war, the paper introduces different concepts of the offense-defense balance and analyzes whether the balance was disrupted. Secondly, it examines the role of cumulative resources in Iraq like oil, territory and state structures and it shows how they influenced the decision. Third, it searches for the linkage among an emergence of a new threat and responses to it which mouthed to the acceptance of the concept of the first move advantage. Fourth, the thesis accounts for the roots of misperception, where they originate and how they operated in perception of the US administration of the Iraqi threat. Finally, the investigation of the last root of conflict explains why and how windows of...