This thesis is a missiological study of the francophone churches in the cities of Johannesburg and Pretoria. Francophone churches may be classified as African Initiated Churches (AIC) that have been planted by migrants from the French speaking countries of central Africa. They are characterised by the use of French and English as languages of worship and communication. The planting and the presence of these churches have become a more visible and remarkable mission phenomenon drawing scientific attention and is worthy of studying. The main issue of this study is the missionality of the Francophone churches. The investigation concerns the ways in which Francophone churches understand the mission of God, known as missio Dei, and the ways in which they express it in the community. In practice the exploration of the missionality of the Francophone churches discloses their nature, raison d’être, and their purpose, as well as their ministries, and allows us to determine the relevancy of these churches in the community. For this reason, in the study I explore and describe also the concept of the missional church in order to apply it to the Francophone churches. To that end, “Patterns of missional church” are used to measure the extent to which Francophone churches are missional. The study suggests the parameters of the development of a missional culture in a Francophone congregation and highlights the importance of the missional leadership in this respect. Finally the study proposes some missional ministries or contextual ministries that may express practically the missionality and consequently the relevancy of Francophone churches in their context. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

At the incarnation, Jesus Christ assumed the fallen human nature that He found. Having lived a life of perfect obedience in the fallen human flesh that He assumed, He voluntarily and willingly bore the sins of the entire human race and died the second death for, and in our place; thereby paying the penalty for sin. Jesus Christ bore our sins (acts or behaviours) vicariously, while sin as nature or a law residing in the fallen human flesh that He assumed was condemned in that flesh and received eternal destruction on the cross. Thus, on the cross, in Christ, God saved the entire humanity. On the cross, the condemnation that the entire humanity had received by being genetically linked to Adam was reversed in Christ. Thus, the entire human race stands legally justified. But this is a gift, which can either be received or rejected. Therefore, salvation is not automatic. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Systematic Theology)

The thesis deals with the comparison attitudes of two Eastern Christian traditions - Orthodox and Coptic to 4th ecumenical council, which held in 451 in Chalcedon. The Monophysite, or Non- Chalcedonian, Coptic Orthodox Church regards it as return to the heterodox teaching called Nestorianism whilst Eastern Orthodox Church this council considers in accordance with the Orthodox doctrine. For Orthodox Christians Chalcedon represents the breakthrough for a refinement of the Christology, concretely in the doctrine about two natures - divine and human - in single person of Christ which the Copts regard as return to Nestorian heresy which due to its dualism interfered the integrity of the person of Christ. The thesis puts forward the insight into the Council of Chalcedon from both perspectives objectively. The thesis is based on authors which represent Orthodox and Coptic traditions but also on these who researched this issue solely from a historical-theological point of view. I have noted reasons - theological and non-theological - why the Copts reject to accept conclusions of this ecumenical council to this day, among other things. I have tried to point out that Monophysitism, or Miaphysitism - whose way the Copts follow - is not only a heretical teaching from the Orthodox theological point of view but...

Bibliography: leaves 118-124 / Did Christ, in the incarnation, take a fallen or unfallen human nature? This question, in its various forms, has occupied the Christian Church for as long as it has existed. For the Seventh-day Adventist church, to which tradition I belong, the question centres on whether Christ as a human being had sinful tendencies or not. This question has divided the church into two main camps, with one camp saying he did, and the other saying he did not. And the debate goes on. It is from the Seventh-day Adventist church tradition that I picked up on this debate, following it up to mainstream Christianity and motivating this research. My research seeks to identify the causes of the debate. Its premise is that unless the specific causes of the debate are clearly identified and appropriately addressed, it is difficult, if not impossible, to conclude it. For a close analysis, two scholars, each representing one side, are picked and examined: Pannenberg, representing the fallen nature position, and Hatzidakis, representing the unfallen nature position. Their respective arguments are gleaned, compared and analysed; and their differences, causes and possible solutions are pointed out. The findings are then applied to the Seventh-day Adventist church debate and to Christianity at large. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Systematic Theology)

The dissertation is titled: “Blackness as the way to and state of salvation: A search for true salvation in South Africa today”. The research was prompted by the question of salvation and what it means for blacks. The provocation arose out of the problem and/or interpretation of classical theology on the subject of soteriology. The biblical text of the Song of Songs 1:5: “I am black and beautiful, O daughters of Jerusalem, like the tents Qedar, like the curtains of Solomon”, is used as key to the argument. Origen (an early Christian theologian, who was born and spent the first half of his career in Alexandria) interpretation of the preceding biblical text is identified as problematic for blackness and African salvation. The problem identified with his interpretation of the said text and its theology and/or soteriology is that, first; he identifies and affirms the “ugliness’ of the black external and physical colour and/or conditions. Secondly, his theology and/or soteriology is identified as dualistic, separating the physical and the soul, which the researcher challenges and is against it as does not reflect the understanding of soteriology and/or theology by Africans. The researcher attacks and argues against the ugliness of blackness and dualism as a white and Eurocentric logic and problem. The researcher in his argument exposes whiteness and eurocentrism as problematic. The problem associated with whiteness is its claim that it is beautiful and positions itself as the way of and to salvation. Moreover, whiteness is problematised as a racial identity, position of power, structural evil and sin, exploitative, oppressive, and as related to capitalism. In response, the researcher, a black theologian argues against the theology of Origen and labelling it as European and white. The researcher exposes blackness as beautiful, powerful, and as a way of life. For the researcher, salvation must be understood as holistic and as here and now, situated in the black conditions. The researcher argues against dualism and individualism in favour of a holistic and a communal African approach that is not exclusive and self-centered. This approach is inclusive of the belief in God, the self, others human beings and the natural environment. He is propagating a black theology that is in favour of blackness as life, beautiful, powerful, liberating, and socialistic. / D. Th. (Systematic Theology)

Text in German with summaries in German and English / Die Kreuzestheologie erlebt seit Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts eine anhaltende Renaissance. Die vorgelegten Beiträge gehen zwar von gemeinsamen Wurzeln aus, verzweigen sich jedoch in vielfältige, teilweise disparate Entwürfe. Deshalb ist neu zu fragen, was Kreuzestheologie ist. Die Antwort wird in sieben Schriften des Corpus Paulinum gesucht, welche auf ihren kreuzestheologischen Gehalt befragt werden. Dabei zeigt sich trotz unterschiedlich häufiger Verwendung der kreuzestheologischen Begriffe durchwegs die entscheidende Bedeutung des Kreuzes Jesu in den theologischen Grundlinien. Kreuzesaussagen erscheinen immer im Zusammenhang mit den zentralen Thesen der paulinischen Briefe. Der exegetische Befund führt zum Schluss, dass bei der paulinischen Kreuzestheologie von einem theologischen Ansatz zu sprechen ist, der zurecht umfassenden und kritischen Anspruch auf christliche Theologie und kirchliche Praxis erhebt. / The “theology of the cross” has seen a remarkable come-back since the beginning of 20th century. While the various contributions share similar roots, they differ widely in their approaches and constructions. Therefore, the simple question regarding the nature of a theology of the cross has to be raised again. This study seeks answers in seven writings of the Corpus Paulinum, which will be examined for their use of references to Jesus’ death on the cross. Although these letters differ significantly in their use of crossrelated terminology, they consistently testify to the crucial significance of the cross of Jesus in their theological paradigm. Statements about the cross are always an essential ingredient in the argumentation of these letters. The exegetical survey leads to the conclusion that Pauline theology of the cross is an all-encompassing and critical approach and principle for Christian theology and ecclesial practice. / New Testament / M. Th. (New Testament)

Summaries in German and English / Text in German / Ziel der Forschungsarbeitet ist es, zu zeigen, dass die johanneische Weinstockrede das alttestamentlich und frühjüdisch geprägte Weinstockmotiv aufgreift und weiter entfaltet. So finden sich in Joh 15:1-8 die Beziehungsebene zwischen Gott und seinen Nachfolgern, die ethische Konnotation, der Gerichtsgedanke, der messianisch-eschatologische Aspekt und der Gedanke von Fruchtbarkeit und Fülle wieder. Es wird deutlich, dass sich in Jesus erfüllt hat, worauf die alttestamentlichen und frühjüdischen Schriften durch die Verwendung des Weinstockmotivs abgezielt haben: Er ist der angekündigte Messias, dessen Kommen Fülle mit sich bringt. Dies hat sich bereits durch Jesu erstes Zeichen, die Verwandlung von Wasser zu Wein (Joh 2:1-11), angedeutet. Neu ist der Gedanke, dass Jesus seine Nachfolger in sein Wirken mit einbezieht. Sie partizipieren an seiner messianischen Fülle und produzieren den Überfluss in Abhängigkeit von Jesus auch selbst mit. Voraussetzung dafür ist, dass die Jünger ihre enge Beziehung zu Jesus durch Gebet und das Einhalten seines Wortes aufrechterhalten und sich an seinem Vorbild orientieren. / The purpose of this thesis is to show that the Johannine vine speech takes up and further develops the vine motif of the Old Testament and early Jewish history. In John 15:1-8 we find emphasis on the relationship between God and his disciples, the ethical connotation, the warning of judgement, the messianic-eschatological aspect and the concepts of fruitfulness and fullness. I will show in this thesis, that the the Old Testament and early Jewish writings that use the vine motif are fulfilled in Jesus Christ: He is the announced Messiah, whose coming will bring fullness. This is already implied in Jesus’s first miracle, turning water into wine (John 2:1-11). What is new is that Jesus includes his disciples in his ministry. They participate in his messianic abundance and in dependence on Jesus they themselves produce abundance. The prerequisite for this abundant fruitfulness is a close relationship with Jesus through prayer, abiding in his word, and following his example. / New Testament / M. Th. (New Testament)

Cette étude tend à étayer deux hypothèses : 1. La dévotion chrétienne à la Trinité Dieu un en trois Personnes doit sa fortune en Occident continental à la promotion qui lui a été réservée par l'Eglise carolingienne sous l'influence d'Alcuin. 2. Les débats théologiques à forte connotation trinitaire de la fin du 8e siècle, la querelle des images, la condamnation de ladoptianisme et la défense du filioque ont retenu lattention de Charlemagne, lont sensibilisé au danger que représentaient les divergences doctrinales pour lunité politique du royaume et lont finalement convaincu dassumer personnellement une part de la mission de prédication dévolue aux clercs. Ce travail se veut une histoire de la théologie franque ; une synthèse qui mette en exergue la subtile influence de la connaissance de Dieu sur la politique internationale de la fin du 8e siècle. Il propose une mise au point sur la place réellement dévolue au roi des Francs dans les débats théologiques et dans la propagation de la doctrine chrétienne à lheure de lunification du royaume, ainsi quune analyse des conséquences politiques et ecclésiologiques de l'adhésion franque à la position doctrinale de lévêque de Rome. Lenquête menée sur le rôle dévolu à Charlemagne dans les débats théologiques souvre sur un retour aux fondements religieux de la monarchie carolingienne. Au vu des conclusions les plus récentes relatives à lhistoriographie franque de la seconde moitié du 8e et du premier quart du 9e siècle, cette étude tend à rejeter catégoriquement lidée du sacre de Pépin par Boniface en 751. Elle propose de voir dans lonction conférée, en 754, par le pape Etienne II à Pépin et à ses deux fils la symbolique dune protection spirituelle accordée à la veille dun départ en campagne contre les Lombards. Les actes des conciles carolingiens attestent quaucun roi des Francs ne se prononça en matière doctrinale avant la dernière décennie du 8e siècle. Charlemagne ne peut revendiquer le titre de théologien ; jamais, dailleurs, il na prétendu être lautorité doctrinale de lOccident. Largement influencé par Alcuin, il sest, néanmoins, peu à peu imposé comme un roi prédicateur (rex praedicator). La chronologie de la querelle adoptianiste met en exergue linterpénétration des trois débats théologiques dès la fin de lété 792. Ces controverses éclatèrent à la veille de lan 800 qui devait, selon les calculs de Bède le Vénérable, coïncider avec lavènement du « Temps de lEglise » fixé en lan 6000 (AM). Ce contexte millénariste a probablement contribué à exacerber les querelles. Contrairement à ce qui a longtemps été affirmé, ladoptianisme ne peut être assimilé à lhérésie du patriarche dAntioche Nestorius qui, au début du 5e siècle, distinguait deux Personnes dans le Christ. Ladoptianisme est une tentative de sauvegarde du monothéisme trinitaire. Les théologiens espagnols de la fin du 8e siècle portaient laccent sur lhumanité du Christ, qualifié dadopté, comme instrument de la Rédemption, en distinguant la mission de lHomme-Jésus de celle du Verbe. Les Francs et la papauté nont pas compris ou pas voulu comprendre que, dans ce modèle christologique, les termes adoptivus et adoptio n'ont pas d'équivalence avec ceux d'assumptus ou d'assumptio. Ils ont refusé dadmettre que le terme adoption désigne le résultat de la kénose fait que le Verbe se soit vidé de sa divinité pour se remplir dhumanité plutôt que la création dun lien artificiel de filiation. Cette recherche concède au concile de Ratisbonne (792) une place bien plus grande que celle qui lui est traditionnellement réservée dans lhistoire tant politique que religieuse du royaume franc ; sans le synode de Ratisbonne, celui de Francfort (794) naurait pu être ce quil a été : le haut lieu de la manifestation des compétences des théologiens carolingiens. La méthode de réfutation des hérésies utilisée en Francia durant la dernière décennie du 8e siècle révèle lattachement des théologiens carolingiens à la tradition scripturaire, patristique et conciliaire garantie par lautorité romaine. Ces querelles témoignent du souci de Charlemagne dimposer son Eglise parmi les plus hautes instances doctrinales en soulignant toute la faiblesse de linterprétation orientale ou byzantine des écritures. Le roi entendait incontestablement affranchir définitivement lEglise franque de lautorité théologique de lempereur dOrient, seul domaine dans lequel Byzance pouvait encore prétendre prévaloir contre lOccident. Les campagnes franques déradication de la doctrine adoptianiste dans le Sud de lEurope furent brutalement interrompues à la suite des tractations diplomatiques menées, à la cour franque, par les ambassades du roi des Asturies en vue denrayer les ambitions expansionnistes carolingiennes dans la péninsule ibérique. Ces événements offrent une autre preuve de la récupération des questions doctrinales à des fins politiques. Ces querelles contribuèrent au renouvellement et au développement de la pensée théologique en Occident. Elles dynamisèrent le processus de formation des prêtres et encouragèrent lenseignement et la mémorisation du Credo trinitaire en gage dadhésion à la foi chrétienne, premier critère dappartenance à lEmpire franc et chrétien, né le 25 décembre 800.

One of the central issues of early Christianity was the identity of Jesus Christ. Paul and other early Christians discussed this question within the framework of traditional Jewish monotheism and used the language of deity to describe Christ. This thesis explores how and why they integrated the two concepts of monotheism and the deity of Jesus. As a window into this process, it particularly examines Paul’s discourse in 2 Cor 3:16–4:6, employing grammatical-historical exegesis with insights from rhetorical criticism and Oneness Pentecostal Christology. We consider three fundamental questions: (1) What does the exalted language concerning Christ in this text represent? (2) How did Paul reconcile the deification of Jesus with his monotheistic heritage? (3) Why did Paul deify Jesus? What interests were served, and what were the practical consequences? The conclusion is that early Christians, prior to and including Paul, worshiped Jesus within a Jewish monotheistic context and not as a result of Hellenization. They viewed Jesus as the revelation of the one God, not as a second deity or a different personage. Although they reinterpreted their core beliefs in light of Jesus, they did not see their worship of Jesus as violating their core beliefs. The evidence from Paul’s Corinthian correspondence does not require an explicit binitarian or trinitarian model, but it reveals that many early Christians viewed God as both transcendent and immanent and worshiped Jesus as the God of Israel manifested in human identity. We identify four significant socio-rhetorical factors in the monotheistic deification of Jesus: (1) In a context of rapid social change it enabled Christians to combine Hebrew monotheism with Greek longing for universals, thereby claiming both traditional heritage and Christocentric distinctiveness. (2) It gave them a unique social identity and cohesiveness. (3) It affirmed their soteriological experiences, beliefs, and outreach. (4) It positioned the movement to attract all people, moving the new faith beyond Jewish ethnicity and traditional boundary markers so that it became a universal monotheism with a missiological focus. The socio-rhetorically constructed identity of Jesus Christ defined the identity of the early Christians. The result was a distinctively Christian faith. / New Testament / D. Th. (New Testament)

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