Cette étude souhaite contribuer à une meilleure connaissance et compréhension de l’idée de simplicité divine, qui signifie l’absence en Dieu de toute composition. Pièce centrale de la pensée théologique médiévale, elle fut redécouverte il y a 35 ans par des philosophes de tendance analytique, qui en contestèrent la cohérence. Elle est depuis lors l’objet d’un débat philosophique fourni, mais le détour par l’histoire de la philosophie est nécessaire pour dégager le réseau de concepts, d’arguments et de problèmes qui lui donne sens. Après avoir étudié la première élaboration de cette idée dans les textes antiques et patristiques, puis son traitement par Pierre Lombard à la veille du IVe concile de Latran de 1215, qui intègre pour la première fois la simplicité divine dans une profession de foi authentique du magistère, nous nous concentrons sur les œuvres de Bonaventure de Bagnoregio et de Thomas d’Aquin, qui accordent à cet attribut divin un rôle fondateur dans leur étude du mystère de Dieu. L’idée de simplicité divine s’y trouve sans cesse prise dans la dialectique de la ressemblance et de la dissemblance entre Créateur et créature. Tandis que Thomas associe de façon unilatérale la simplicité absolue à la transcendance de l’incréé, Bonaventure propose également des similitudes créées de la simplicité divine qui en favorisent l’intuition. Loin d’apparaître comme incohérente, l’idée de simplicité divine est un outil puissant pour ouvrir notre intelligence à un plan de réalité supérieur, certes mystérieux, mais néanmoins lumineux. / This study seeks to contribute to a better understanding and comprehension of the idea of divine simplicity, which means the absence in God of any composition. Cornerstone of medieval theological thinking, divine simplicity was rediscovered 35 years ago by philosophers of analytical leanings, who challenged its coherence. It has since formed the subject of abundant philosophical debate, however, the detour via the history of philosophy is necessary in order to draw out the network of concepts, arguments and issues, from where divine simplicity derives its meaning. After the study of the first development of this idea in ancient and patristic texts, and its treatment by Peter Lombard on the eve of the 4th Council of Lateran in 1215, which integrates for the first time divine simplicity in a genuin profession of faith of the magisterium, we shall focus on the works of Bonaventure of Bagnoregio and Thomas Aquinas, who grant this divine attribute a founding role in the study of the mystery of God. The idea of divine simplicity keeps being comprised in the dialectics of similarity and dissimilarity between Creator and creature. While Aquinas associates in an unilateral way absolute simplicity and transcendence of the uncreated, Bonaventure offers also created resemblances of divine simplicity which favour its intuition. Far from appearing incoherent, the idea of divine simplicity is a powerful means to open our minds to a level of superior reality, indeed mysterious, but nevertheless radiant.

Biblical scholars have grown increasingly aware of the importance of looking at texts not only in their historical or literary contexts, but also in their socio-cultural contexts. Many studies have shown that honour and shame were core social values in the ancient Mediterranean world. By scrutinizing the available research on the topic of honour and shame, one realizes that there were indeed four major social values in the Mediterranean world, that is i) honour and shame, ii) patronage and reciprocity, iii) kinship and iv) purity. Modern biblical scholars would often appeal to the works of the classical authors in order to show how important these values were in the ancient world. Unfortunately claims that are being made in modern studies concerning honour and shame are usually based on the biblical and classical writings. These scholars seldom consult patristic writings. In this study it is argued that the ancient Church Fathers were indeed aware of these social values. The four social values mentioned above are taken as a basis to unlock the social context of Clement of Alexandria’s Paedagogue. It illustrates the importance of understanding the core social values of the Mediterranean society in order to interpret the theology of the early Church Fathers. / Thesis (DLitt (Greek))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Ancient Languages / unrestricted

The significant, cultural heritage, Kladruby's monastery lies n Tachovon in the Western part of the Czech republic. It lies between Pilsen and Tachov, specifically, Thirty kilometres west from Pilsen and five kilometres south from Stříbro. The history of the township and monastery is closely bound. The middle ages brought prosperity and rise to both of them.To this rise of Kladruby contributed it's great place by the Norimberská stezka and the discovery of silver ore nearby. Thanks to this, in 1230, it was raised by Václav I. to township. With this Kladruby gained the rights of a town ( e.g. The right to organize markets,the right to perform Criminal Law and the right to brew) as one of the first seven town in the Czech republic. Because of the wealth from silver mining, a mining settlement Stříbro was establishes, in the late twelfth century. The Benedictine monastery was established, by Vladislav I. of Přemyslid dynasty, in 1115. He himself is buried there as one of few Czech princes, who are not buried in Prague. Between the 12. And 13. Century, the monastery became one of the most important church centres of the whole kingdom. During the tragedy of Jan Nepomucký, the monastery has a major role. Václav IV considered, establishing a bishopric in Kladruby, to circumscribe the power of Prague...

This master thesis deals with the history of Kladruby's monastery, about it's establishment and development during centuries. Further, it deals with the change of lifestyle in the monastery, as well as outside of it. This thesis highlights the outstanding architectural beauty of the Baroque Gothic style of Czech architects Jan Blažej Santini Aichel and Kilián Ignác Dientzenhofer.

L’elaborato analizza la ricezione del pensiero di Origene di Alessandria (c. 184-c.253) nell’opera del teologo arminiano Jean Le Clerc (1657-1736), soffermandosi in particolare sulla concezione origeniana della libertà e sulle questioni che vi sono annesse. Tale analisi consente anche di chiarire alcune pratiche argomentative e dinamiche intellettuali, soprattutto riguardanti i dibattiti religiosi ed interconfessionali, nella seconda metà del XVII secolo. L’elaborato è diviso in tre sezioni. La prima, di carattere introduttivo, mira ad indagare le premesse epistemologiche di Le Clerc, nonché la sua relazione con le auctoritates religiose ed intellettuali del passato. La seconda sezione prende in esame le citazioni dirette di Origene presenti nella vasta produzione di Le Clerc, come pure i suoi rimandi all’opera dell’Alessandrino e al suo pensiero, consentendo in questo modo di delineare un quadro preciso dell’Origene letto e reinterpretato da Le Clerc. La terza sezione restringe infine il campo d’indagine allo sguardo che Le Clerc porta sulla dimensione più propriamente teologica di Origene ed in particolar modo su quel nodo di concetti che ruota attorno al tema della libertà umana (peccato originale, grazia e predestinazione, il problema del male). Questo studio mostra come, malgrado l’indubbia, e talvolta malcelata, simpatia per Origene, Le Clerc non possa essere definito tout court un ‘origenista’, dal momento che la sua visione epistemologica, scritturale e teologica lo distanzia da una acritica e piena adesione al pensiero dell’Alessandrino. / The present thesis analyses the reception of the thought of Origen of Alexandria (c. 184-c. 253) in Jean Le Clerc (1657-1736). Its particular focus is on Origen's conception of freedom and the theological doctrines related to it. The goal of this thesis is to uncover, through Le Clerc's use of Origen, some of the argumentative practices and the intellectual dynamics of the time, in particular in religious, especially inter-confessional, debates. This thesis is divided into three main parts. The first part has mainly an introductory character and looks at the epistemological assumptions of Le Clerc and his relationship with intellectual and religious authorities of the past. The second part reviews the various ways in which Le Clerc quoted, referred to or otherwise made use of the thought or the name of Origen in his vast production. This part provides a first result in that it frames, in general, Le Clerc's reception of Origen. This step is, at the same time, also preparatory for the material contained in part three. In the third part, only the material is considered which is strictly related to Origen's idea of freedom and the related theological doctrines of original sin, grace/predestination, and the problem of evil. The result of this analysis, as it appears form the examination of argumentative practices in the previous sections, is that Le Clerc was no simple "Origenist" but neither was he was fully uncommitted to the Origenian cause. A full commitment to Origen, despite this strong sympathy, was still hindered by Le Clerc's epistemological, scriptural and theological outlook.