This thesis examines the historical geography of Scottish natural history societies active during the period 1831-1900. It argues that the work of the societies described and constituted an important set of relations between science and Scottish civil society that has not been investigated hitherto. The institutional practices of natural history, including fieldwork and display, involved encounters between scientific and cultural expectations which were played out in relation to different audiences and in a variety of sites and spaces. A central concern of Scottish associational naturalists was to transpose science into the language of civic pride and progress. At the same time, members of these societies were anxious to maintain epistemic credibility in relation to a scientific culture itself in flux. The task of appealing both to a local public and to a scientific constituency took different forms in different civic and scientific contexts. The thesis attempts to detail this historical geography with reference to the societies' activities of display, fieldwork, publishing and collective scientific endeavour. The work is based on assessment of primary sources, published and unpublished, and a variety of secondary material. The thesis is organised to reflect the features central to the past geographies of Scottish natural history as associational civic science. The first substantive section (Section II, Chapters 2-5) analyses the efforts of society members to persuade local publics of the relevance and the benefits of associational natural history. Fieldwork involved a series of situated negotiations and affiliations between the language and practices of leisure, aesthetic taste, moral improvement and science. Through public events and built spaces natural history was promoted as an expression of civic culture and as a set of practices capable of transforming urban society. At an individual level, supporters of civic science championed an image of the naturalist as public servant and votary of nature, an image that linked scientific conduct to civic identity. The second substantive section (Section III, Chapters 6-7) examines the influence of the meaning and methods of later-nineteenth-century science on the organisation and activities of Scottish natural history societies. Initiatives to standardise the work of local scientific societies are considered alongside the efforts of individual members to secure a scientific reputation. In addition, the changing relations between the research activities of the societies and the emergence and consolidation of scientific disciplines are investigated alongside the maintenance of an inter-disciplinary ethos. In Chapter 7, engagement with evolutionary ideas is examined, uncovering the ways in which Darwinism was deployed to reinforce, and also to modify, an inductivist view of science and to argue for the continuing relevance of associational natural history to local civil society. In conclusion, the thesis reveals the historical geography of nineteenth-century Scottish natural history to be a dynamic narrative of intellectual and institutional activity conducted in different social and scientific spaces, and it suggests that these practices of local science were an important constituent of civic society and, in part, of national natural knowledge in nineteenth-century Scotland.

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How do young people in Estonia experience the political, politics and citizenship? How are these civic experiences connected to young peoples’ experiences with the media? Anne Kaun’s thesis Civic Experiences and Public Connection presents a theoretical and empirical investigation of how civic experiences, particularly public connection, emerge in the context of contemporary Estonia. Employing open-ended online diaries and in-depth interviews, she aims to develop an in-depth understanding of how young people experience democracy today, and how they express themselves as citizens; expression not only through the physical performance of citizenship, but also through orientation, interest in, and reflection about issues that are of common concern or should be seen as such. The empirical investigation of public connection as critical media connection, playful public connection and historical public connection, is based on narrative analysis and embedded in a theoretical exploration of key concepts in the context of civic culture studies, namely the political, politics and citizenship. Combining Chantal Mouffe’s conflict theory with Paul Ricoeur’s narrative identity, Kaun aims to shed light on contemporary democracy from the citizens’ perspective. The author proposes a holistic approach to both civic experiences and the role that media might play in relation to them. Following a non-media- centric approach, she shows that media, despite their ubiquity, are an important but not exclusive source of the civic experiences of young adults in Estonia.

Este trabalho estuda os Conselhos Gestores de Saúde das Subprefeituras de São Paulo e os conselheiros que deles fazem parte. Estes Conselhos são desdobramentos do Movimento Popular de Saúde, que consiste em fóruns públicos para reivindicação de melhorias no sistema de atendimento à saúde, e tem seu início na década de 1970 em meio a forte repressão política, exercendo importante papel no processo de redemocratização do Brasil. Tal movimento conseguiu exercer intensa influência no capítulo da Constituição Federal que trata do Sistema Único de Saúde, e inscreveu a obrigatoriedade da existência dos Conselhos Gestores nos Municípios da Federação. Estes Conselhos têm por função institucional fazer o controle popular das políticas públicas empreendidas pelo Sistema Único de Saúde. Como se tratam de fóruns participativos, é plausível que sejam pensados e analisados através da teoria da democracia deliberativa. Partindo desta concepção de democracia, discutiu-se a possibilidade de processos deliberativos gerarem capital social e cultura cívica nas pessoas que participam destes fóruns. A parte empírica deste trabalho foi feita por estudos de casos que levaram em conta quatro Conselhos e dezesseis conselheiros. Nesta etapa, avaliou-se a relação entre os desenhos institucionais dos Conselhos Gestores de Saúde e o perfil cívico dos conselheiros que participam destes fóruns. / The present issue discusses the District Health Councils of the Submunicipalities at the city of São Paulo, Brazil and its councilors. These Councils have their basis in the Popular Health Movement, organized in fora of discussion to demand improvements in public policies of health care. That movement, which started in the 1970?s under military dictatorship, had an important role in Brazilian political redemocratization. Furthermore, it had a strong influence in 1988 Constitution\'s chapter about the obligatoriness of the District Health Councils in the municipalities of the Federation. The institutional goal of these Councils is to oversee the effectiveness of the government in implement public policies. The normative dimensions of these fora are upon the deliberative democracy theory. Having this assumption of democracy, I discuss the possibility of these arenas to generate social capital and civic culture among its participants. In a comparative study of four Councils and 16 councilors I analyzed the relation between the institutional framework of these District Councils and the level of civic culture of its councilors.

Abstract Nowadays civic participation is a significant activity in the commonwealth. According to civic participation, it can be realized the development of the democracy in a country. Although Kaohsiung city is the second biggest status of special municipality directly administered by the central government, Taiwanese Central Government has been disconsidering the growth of South Taiwan. As a result, it cause that Kaohsiung city has become the center of the industry and Taipei city has become the center of the policy and economics. Due to this reason, people in the south Taiwan are not concern with the public affairs which need to be considered. Almond is the first precursor to research civic society. Almond refers that people highly participate with political culture can be called Civic Culture. Inglehart is the second researcher to research in this subject. Inglehart discovers technical upgrade, economic development, the standard of education improvement, information technology and mass communication spread could effect the social value. People may focus on post-materialism which are the standard of living, and self-fulfilling instead of the materialism value that are included the creature comfort and personal security. Mass communication not only offers the useful information to the mass but also effects the mass behavior, in particular newspaper. Newspaper spread presents the news and multi-information to everyone and it also can fulfill each one¡¦s inner life as well. Besides this, it is also a very leaven to people because of its content such as the edit and so on. This research is divided two sections. The first section refers to the integration of the public affairs management (PAM). It discusses the condition of the aspect of socioeconomic in Kaohsiung city. The second section V.C.S dimensional in-depth interview¡Aanalyze the power of the local newspaper, the limit of the local newspaper and the public value of the local newspaper in Kaohsiung. According to the development of the socioeconomic, it can be discussed weather Kaohsiung city is qualified for public society or not. And also , in the process of time whether the media exerts generate a discussion and provoke issues or not. According to the research, it discovers that the current and past employment market and social organization do not change a lot. But the phenomenon of generation effect ¡Awith disposition and potentiality to post modernized civil society. Due to several elements such as economic depression, open media market and new competitors appearance, local medium in Koahsiung are forced to adjust the management strategy and constitution in order to breakthrough difficulty. However, in order to achieve the goal and promote the public value it often become dilemma because of searching market support and lifting organizational capacity on the current limited resources and condition. As a result, it can define that the function of the forth right to medium is consistently challenged. In the sum, local newspaper and medium can make the public value become valuable. It also can say that mass medium is like a light that can let each one see the value of public society clearly and easily. However, the life cycle of the news events are very short. Therefore, the elements of economic development, guidable assistance instead of critique and control and the third section may achieve the goal of the public society quickly.

Diese Arbeit untersucht, was passiert, wenn in Non-Profit-Organisation (NPO) der Anspruch des Bürgerschaftlichen Engagements auf Praktiken des Freiwilligenmanagements trifft. Ausgangspunkt dieser Fragestellung ist eine doppelte Diagnose: Zum einen setzen NPOs aufgrund mehrerer Faktoren - u.a. Ressourcenknappheit, Wettbewerb und Nachahmungseffekten – vermehrt auf Freiwilligenmanagement. Mit dieser von der BWL inspirierten, aber für NPO entwickelten Personalführungsmethode wollen sie mehr und bessere Freiwillige gewinnen und deren Einsatz effizienter strukturieren. Zum anderen haben sich gleichzeitig viele NPO dem Ziel des bürgerschaftlichen Engagements verschrieben. Damit reagieren sie auf den aus Politik und Wissenschaft zu vernehmenden Anspruch, die Zivilgesellschaft möge die knappen Kassen der öffentlichen Hand kompensieren und das wachsende Partizipationsbedürfnis weiter Teile der Bevölkerung durch eine neue Kultur der Teilhabe der Bürgerinnen und Bürger befriedigen. Bei näherer Betrachtung zeigt sich jedoch: Während Freiwilligenmanagement einer ökonomischen Handlungslogik folgt, ist bürgerschaftliches Engagement Ausdruck einer Handlungslogik der Zivilgesellschaft. Beide sind unter gegenwärtigen Bedingungen weder theoretisch noch praktisch miteinander vereinbar. Um beide Entwicklungen miteinander zu versöhnen, muss Freiwilligenmanagement unter dem Banner des Bürgerschaftlichen neu gedacht werden. Dieses Argument unterfüttert die Arbeit sowohl theoretisch und empirisch. Der Theorieteil gliedert sich in drei Teile. Zunächst wird der Begriff der NPO näher eingegrenzt. Dazu wird die bestehende Literatur zum Dritten Sektor und Non-Profit-Organisationen zu einem operationalisierbaren Begriff von NPO kondensiert. Daran anschließend werden aktuelle Trends im Feld der NPO identifiziert, die zeigen, dass NPO tatsächlich oft von widerstreitenden Handlungslogiken gekennzeichnet sind, darunter eine ökonomische und eine bürgerschaftliche. Die beiden folgenden Kapitel untersuchen dann jeweils eine der beiden Logiken. Zunächst wird das Leitbild des bürgerschaftlichen Engagements als Ausdruck einer zivilgesellschaftlichen Handlungslogik näher definiert. Dabei zeigt sich, dass dieser Begriff oft sehr unscharf verwendet wird. Daher greift die Arbeit auf die politiktheoretische Diskussion um Zivil- und Bürgergesellschaft auf und schmiedet daraus eine qualifizierte Definition von bürgerschaftlichem Engagement, die sich maßgeblich am Ideal von gesellschaftlich-politischer Partizipation und bürgerschaftlicher Kompetenz orientiert. Dem wird im dritten und letzten Kapitel des Theorieteils die ökonomische Handlungslogik in Form der Theorie des Freiwilligenmanagements gegenübergestellt. Bei der Darstellung zeigt sich schnell, dass dessen Grundprinzipien – anders als oft vorgebracht – mit den qualifizierten Idealen von Partizipation und Konkurrenz im Konflikt stehen. In der empirischen Analyse wird dann in den 8 Interviews den Widersprüchen zwischen bürgerschaftlichem Engagement und Freiwilligenmanagement in der Praxis nachgegangen. Die Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchung lassen sich in 5 Punkten zusammenfassen: 1. Freiwilligenmanagement orientiert sich erstens im wesentlichen an einer Zahl: Dem Zugewinn oder Verlust von freiwilliger Arbeit. 2. Freiwilligenmanagement installiert ein umfassendes System der Selektion von „passenden“ Freiwilligen. 3. Positiv hervorzuheben ist die institutionalisierte Ansprechbarkeit, die im Rahmen von Freiwilligenmanagement in NPO Einzug erhält. 4. Freiwilligenmanagement ist eng mit dem Anspruch verbunden, die Arbeit der Freiwilligen zu kontrollieren. Der Eigensinn des Engagements, die Notwendigkeit von Spielräumen, die Möglichkeit des Ausprobierens oder der Anspruch der Freiwilligen, an Entscheidungen zu partizipieren bzw. gar selbstorganisiert und -verantwortlich zu handeln, rückt dabei in den Hintergrund. 5. In den Interviews wird eine starke Ökonomisierung des Engagements sichtbar. Freiwillige werden als Ressource betrachtet, ihr Engagement als „Zeitspende“ statistisch erfasst, ihre (Dienst-)Leistung monetär bewertet. Im Zuge dessen erhält auch der Managerialism verstärkt Einfluss auf die Arbeit in NPO und begründet ein stark hierarchisches Verhältnis: Während die Freiwilligenmangerin aktiv handelt, wird die freiwillig Engagierte zum Objekt von Management-Techniken. Dass dies dem Anspruch der Partizipation entgegenläuft, ergibt sich dabei von selbst. Angesichts dieser Diagnose, dass real-existierendes Freiwilligenmanagement nicht mit dem Ideal des bürgerschaftlichen Engagement im engeren Sinne zusammenpasst, formuliert das Fazit Vorschläge für ein bürgerschaftlich orientiertes, engagement-sensibles Freiwilligenmanagement. / This thesis examines what happens when the claim of civic engagement meets the practice of volunteer management. The starting point for this analysis is a dual diagnosis in non-profit organizations (NPO): First, due to several factors (resource scarcity, competition and imitation effects and others) NPOs increasingly employ techniques of volunteer management. Inspired by business administration, but adapted to NPO, this personnel management method promises to acquire more and better volunteers and restructure their work more efficiently. At the same time, many NPOs subscribe to the goal of civic engagement. They respond to the public claim that civil society should compensate for the tight budgets of the public sector and to the idea that there is a demand for increasing participation within the civil society that needs to be satisfied. The in-depth analysis of both concepts reveals: While volunteer management follows an economic logic of action, civic engagement reflects a logic of action that has its origins in the ideals of the civil society. Both are neither theoretically nor practically compatible with one another under present conditions in nonprofit organizations. In order to reconcile both developments, volunteer management needs to be rethought under the banner of the Civic (Civic Culture). The thesis underpins this argument both theoretically and empirically. The theoretical part is divided into three parts. First, the concept of NPO is explored. For this purpose, the existing literature on the third sector and non-profit organizations is condensed into an operationalized concept of NPO. Subsequently, current trends in the field of NPOs are identified, showing that NPO are actually often characterized by conflicting logics of action, including an economic and a civic. The following two chapters then examine each of these two logics. First, the model of civic engagement is further defined as an expression of the civic action logic. It turns out that this term is often used in a very blurred way. Therefore, the work draws on the theoretical discussion of civil politics and civil society, merging it into a qualified definition of civic engagement, focusing on the ideal of social and political participation and civic competence. The third chapter contrasts this civic logic with the economic logic of action in the form of volunteer management. It is shown that its basic principles - other than often argued - conflict with the ideal of participation. The empirical analysis then draws on 8 interviews to elucidate the contradictions between civic engagement and volunteer management in practice. The results of this study can be summarized in five points: 1. Volunteer management focus mostly on the gain or loss of voluntary work. 2. Volunteer management installs a comprehensive system of selection which seeks to match vorlunteers with the goals of the organization. Among other "interviews" and training are used to screen out those volunteers that do not fit into the organization. Notwithstanding, though, these decisions are not based on professional criteria, but on an elaborate set of criteria for „feeling cosy". 3. On the positive side stands institutionalized responsiveness, which surfaces as an effect of volunteer management in NPOs. 4. Volunteer management is closely connected to the aim of controlling the work of volunteers. This is also reflected in the practice of NPO. Volunteers are committed in contracts to show binding and predictable behavior. And they are administered as part of a personnel management. This hinders the obstinacy of commitment, the necessity of leeway, the possibility of trying out, or the volunteers’ demand to participate in decisions and to act even self-organized and self-responsible. 5. The interviews show a strong economization of commitment. Volunteers are viewed as a resource. Their commitment is statistically recorded as "time donation", their (business) performance is measured in monetary terms. NPOs that use volunteer management are also often marked by a growing managerialism which establishes a strong hierarchical relationship: While the volunteer manager is active, the volunteer is the object of management techniques. This is the opposite of the idea of participation. Given this diagnosis, it becomes apparent that existing volunteer management does not match the ideal of civic engagement in the narrower sense. The conclusion formulated proposals for a citizen-oriented, engagement-sensitive volunteer management.

Este trabalho estuda os Conselhos Gestores de Saúde das Subprefeituras de São Paulo e os conselheiros que deles fazem parte. Estes Conselhos são desdobramentos do Movimento Popular de Saúde, que consiste em fóruns públicos para reivindicação de melhorias no sistema de atendimento à saúde, e tem seu início na década de 1970 em meio a forte repressão política, exercendo importante papel no processo de redemocratização do Brasil. Tal movimento conseguiu exercer intensa influência no capítulo da Constituição Federal que trata do Sistema Único de Saúde, e inscreveu a obrigatoriedade da existência dos Conselhos Gestores nos Municípios da Federação. Estes Conselhos têm por função institucional fazer o controle popular das políticas públicas empreendidas pelo Sistema Único de Saúde. Como se tratam de fóruns participativos, é plausível que sejam pensados e analisados através da teoria da democracia deliberativa. Partindo desta concepção de democracia, discutiu-se a possibilidade de processos deliberativos gerarem capital social e cultura cívica nas pessoas que participam destes fóruns. A parte empírica deste trabalho foi feita por estudos de casos que levaram em conta quatro Conselhos e dezesseis conselheiros. Nesta etapa, avaliou-se a relação entre os desenhos institucionais dos Conselhos Gestores de Saúde e o perfil cívico dos conselheiros que participam destes fóruns. / The present issue discusses the District Health Councils of the Submunicipalities at the city of São Paulo, Brazil and its councilors. These Councils have their basis in the Popular Health Movement, organized in fora of discussion to demand improvements in public policies of health care. That movement, which started in the 1970?s under military dictatorship, had an important role in Brazilian political redemocratization. Furthermore, it had a strong influence in 1988 Constitution\'s chapter about the obligatoriness of the District Health Councils in the municipalities of the Federation. The institutional goal of these Councils is to oversee the effectiveness of the government in implement public policies. The normative dimensions of these fora are upon the deliberative democracy theory. Having this assumption of democracy, I discuss the possibility of these arenas to generate social capital and civic culture among its participants. In a comparative study of four Councils and 16 councilors I analyzed the relation between the institutional framework of these District Councils and the level of civic culture of its councilors.

Deltagande inom en idrottsförening kan ha mer än endast hälsorelaterade effekter. Föreningslivet kan fungera som en arena för integration i det svenska samhället, inte minst för nyanlända immigranter. Syftet med denna studie är att bidra med ökad förståelse och ny kunskap gällande hur idrottsföreningars arbete kan fungera som en integrationsarena och hur föreningslivet kan bidra till delaktighet i samhället. Målet är att undersöka hur idrottsföreningar i idrottsvaga områden arbetar med integration, och hur deltagande i idrottsföreningar kan bidra till delaktighet i samhället. Studien bygger på följande frågeställningar: 1. Hur kan deltagande i en idrottsförening bidra till delaktighet i samhället? 2. Hur arbetar idrottsföreningar i idrottsvaga områden med integration?Arbetet bygger på fem kvalitativa intervjuer som gjorts med ordförande och andra styrelsemedlemmar i idrottsföreningar. Inledningsvis gjordes även två informantintervjuer för att få en god inblick i forskningsområdet. Därefter undersöktes det insamlade materialet med hjälp av en tematisk innehållsanalys. Analysen bygger på teoribegreppen empowerment, civic culture, borgerlig offentlighet och deliberation. Studiens främsta upptäckt gäller tillgänglighet, som innebär de möjligheter och problematiker som finns med föreningars integrationsarbete. Exempelvis kan personers och föreningars ekonomiska och geografiska förutsättningar vara avgörande för integrationen. Andra teman som upptäcks i analysen är delaktighet, integrationsarbete och språk.

Politics today is facing a troubling trend towards the empowerment of nationalist movements. With strong historical traditions and a powerful Scottish National Party, Scotland would appear to be a prime candidate for such movements. However, this thesis argues that Scotland represents a nation with a unique civic culture. This thesis seeks to determine which elements of Scottish political and cultural history have led to its modern day civic culture, in the form of a civic nationalism, or patriotism. It asks: why is Scottish nationalism unique, and why does it matter? To answer, I have broken down the thesis into three main chapters that consider the theories of nationalism that are significant to the study of Scottish nationalism, the foundations of Scottish nationalism, and how Scottish nationalism manifests itself in civic contexts. The results reflect that Scottish civic culture deeply permeates the nation's politics. Even when given the opportunity for independence, Scotland chose to remain a part of the United Kingdom in order to maintain its interests with the European Union. And, while political cultures are subject to rapid change, the current state of Scottish culture reflects a civic manifestation. / Master of Arts / This thesis looks at how Scotland represents a political nation that resists instinctive, exclusive political decisions, despite its history as a strong and proud nation. This paper is organized in a way to give an overview of what national identity is, and what nationalism means, as well as what Scottish national identity means and how it influences Scottish politics. The question I asked was: How is Scottish nationalism unique, and why does it matter? I determined that in Scottish politics, both the Scottish people and the Scottish government act in a way that is very open to interconnected, international interactions, such as those found in the European Union. Scottish nationalism, or patriotism, embodies a love for their own nation, while keeping an open mind to other nations and countries. In addition, the Scottish nation is willing to put aside its drive for independence for the greater good of what they want to accomplish politically.

Studies of political culture have often focused on the impact of political institutions on political culture in a society. The scientific community has accepted the position that institutions shape beliefs and attitudes among the citizens towards the system they live in. This study tests this hypothesis by using survey data collected during the fall of 1990 in the United States, Great Britain, Italy, West, and East Germany.